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This thesis studies three major reforms in the public sector of Norway. The sectors studied are the police, higher education, and primary schools. The main motive for studying these reforms are of a theoretical nature, the reason to study them is to produce general knowledge about reforms. The study aims to answer two main questions. One is about the possibilities and limitations contained in using reforms to change organizations. The second is about how organizations can promote the ideals of representative democracy. In its efforts to attain answers to these questions the thesis blends empirically-oriented research with aspects of organization theory and political theory. The thesis is divided into four different parts. First, there is a descriptive presentation of the three reforms. Secondly, there is a discussion of various theories of reforms and organizations. The primary aim of this analysis is to illuminate and explain the empirical data, but this discussion should also provide its own answers to the main questions asked in the thesis. Thirdly, these theories are applied to analyze data from the three reforms. And finally, the study concludes with a summary of what general insights about the reforms we are left with after studying the Quality Reform, The Police Reform 2000, and the Knowledge Reform. The study shows that reforms have both policy and content aspects, and that it is important to distinguish between the two in order to analyse and understand them. The policy aspect is that reforms are a strategy for change - they are tools for implementing change in organizations. The content aspect is that reforms have a specific content - they have certain objectives that they want to realize. The study concludes that in order to understand this complex and fascinating phenomenon, we need to understand reforms both as instrumental tools, institutional adaptations and symbols.

A discussion of the book by Anders C. Sjaastad and John Kristen Skogan, Politikk og sikkerhet i Norskehavsomradet. Om de enkelte land og vare felles problemer ([Politics and Security in the Norwegian Sea Territory. On the Individual Land and Our Associates' Problems] Oslo: Dreyer forlag 1975), as an illustration of the importance of Norsk Utenrikpolitisk Institutt (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. Adapted from the source document.

Against the background of brief descriptions of individual activities within the informal economic sector in a number of Latin American cities, the authors examine the informal structure in Lima, Peru. A complex of explanations are offered for the explosive growth in the informal sector, including the efforts by many entrepreneurs to evade bureaucratic obstacles to productivity and profitability. Social consequences to informal sector workers are outlined

In Russia, there exist legal norms providing for the protection of indigenous small-numbered peoples' rights. Yet, indigenous small-numbered peoples face multiple challenges when it comes to the implementation of their rights. After a brief presentation of the Russian legislation on the rights of indigenous small-numbered peoples, peculiarities of the Russian legal system and impediments to the legal provisions regulating the status of indigenous small-numbered peoples, this article addresses several issues related to the implementation of indigenous small-numbered peoples' rights in Russia today. One of the core issues is the attribution of individual members of indigenous communities to indigenous small-numbered peoples. Such an attribution is still challenging despite the newly adopted amendments to the 30 April 1999 Federal Law N 82-FL: 'On Guarantees of the Rights of Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the Russian Federation'. Another issue is application of the notion 'foreign agent' to individuals and non-commercial organizations. Still another issue is the State's pressure on independent indigenous organizations. The final challenge is the possible impact of amendments to the Constitution approved by popular vote in July 2020 on the rights of indigenous small-numbered peoples.

At the turn of 2014/15 ceased NATO International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). But Norway is still engaged militarily in Afghanistan, now in the new NATO-led operation Resolute Support Mission (RSM). RSM is the third operation with Norwegian troops in Afghanistan since the start of our engagement in 2001, in addition to a few individual officers in the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA). Conclusion of the ISAF operation is also the starting point for a comprehensive Norwegian evaluation, as mentioned in the introduction to this focus-gap of International Politics. This article looks at the relationship between Norwegian goal, choice of methods and means in Afghanistan. Since this is not a Norwegian operation, considered Norwegian efforts in an international context. Adapted from the source document.

An interview with Geir Lundestad, Director of the Norwegian Nobel Institute, Professor of History, and Author. Lundestad answers questions about his academic career and his position as Director of the Nobel Institute. The role of the individual as a catalyst for peace is addressed. There is a discussion about the candidate selection process of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, for which Lundestad compiles a list of candidates, and about the Committee's definition of peace. Lundestad discusses the inception of the concept "empire by invitation," for which he is internationally recognized. Lundestad will be releasing a new book, "Just Another Major Crisis? The United States and Europe since 2000," which focus on the war in Iraq and its impact on transatlantic relations. E. Sundby

The article examines three processes, running parallel in time, that have contributed to the Islamization of the Chechen separatist movement. The first war in Chechnya between 1994 & 1996 resulted in the radicalization of several Chechen warlords & politicians. These individuals came to play an influential role during the interwar period & have increasingly defined the rhetoric & language of the separatists in the second war. This local impetus toward radicalism was reinforced by the attempts on the part of international Islamists to co-opt the Chechen conflict as part of their global struggle. At the same time the Russian policies on Chechnya have become increasingly hard & uncompromising, not least after the advent of the global war on terror. The article argues that these processes have contributed to marginalize the moderate players in the Chechen separatist movement & have rendered the conflict so polarized that there is little hope for peaceful resolution. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.