Suchergebnisse

Ovim radom pružen je uvid u razvoj odnosa s javnošću kao profesije, gledano kroz 4 modela Gruniga i Hunta te su navedene i objašnjene tehnike koje se koriste u odnosima s javnošću. Objašnjen je i pojam aktivizma kao i njegovi najznačajniji teorijski aspekti, oblici i metode. U sklopu istraživanja korištene su dvije metode; analiza sadržaja i anketni upitnik. Analizom sadržaja obuhvaćeno je 129 aktivističkih organizacija na području Republike Hrvatske, a na anketni upitnik u potpunosti je odgovorilo 39 organizacija. Pokazalo se da većina hrvatskih aktivističkih organizacija prepoznaje važnost odnosa s javnošću, njima se bavi svakodnevno te koristi brojne tehnike meĎu kojima prednjači internet, posebice društvene mreže i web stranice. Od društvenih mreža daleko je najzastupljeniji Facebook, na kojemu profil ima 110 od 129 proučenih organizacija. MeĎutim, financijska ulaganja u odnose s javnošću kod većine su organizacija nepostojeća, a slijede ih organizacije koje ulažu izmeĎu 1 i 5% od svojih ukupnih financijskih sredstava. Rezultati ukazuju na to da postoji prostor za napredak odnosa s javnošću u aktivističkim organizacijama, što bi bilo korisno za profesiju odnosa s javnošću u Hrvatskoj, kao i za aktivističke organizacije koje bi si većim ulaganjima mogle osigurati bolju komunikaciju s ključnim javnostima, a samim time i veću učinkovitost u postizanju svojih ciljeva. ; This thesis is aimed at showing the development of public relations as a profession, using Grunig's and Hunt's 4 models, as well as naming and explaining different techniques of public relations. Furthermore, it explains activism mentioning most important aspects of theory and identifying its various forms and mechanisms. Two methods were used for the purposes of the research; content analysis and survey questionnaire. Content analysis included 129 croatian activist organizations, while only 39 organizations completed the survey questionnaire. The results show that most Croatian activistic organizations recognize the importance of public ...

U ovom članku autorovo polazište je što kvalitetniji i funkcionalniji teritorijalni ustroj Hrvatske, posebice njezina primorskog prostora. Jadranska Hrvatska, uz Istočnu (Panonsku) i Sjeverozapadnu Hrvatsku, jedna je od triju definiranih (budućih) euroregija NUTS II u Hrvatskoj. U današnjem teritorijalnom obuhvatu predložena je od Republike Hrvatske i 2007. godine prihvaćena od Eurostata. Obuhvaća sve primorske županije (7) Hrvatske, ukupne površine 26,7 tisuća km2 i 1,4 milijuna stanovnika (2011.). Rad razmatra moguću diferencijaciju ovoga strateškog litoralnog prostora Jadrana na tri funkcionalne (gravitacijske) regije trećeg reda (NUTS III), u skladu s kriterijima Vlade Republike Hrvatske za učinkovitu decentralizaciju i novu regionalizaciju Hrvatske. Naime, pojedine priobalne županije ne zadovoljavaju europski demografski kriterij za statističku NUTS III regiju (150 000 – 800 000 stanovnika), premda u cijelosti hrvatske županije prosječno zadovoljavaju taj kriterij. Stoga, primjenom demografskih, geografskih, gospodarskih, administrativnih i drugih kriterija, autor naglašava potrebu određivanja demografski u najvećoj mjeri usklađenih triju nodalno-funkcionalnih, odnosno gravitacijskih regija sa središtima u Rijeci, Zadru i Splitu. Tako bi u Jadranskoj Hrvatskoj riječka regija potencijalno obuhvatila Istru, Kvarner, i goranski prostor s 505 000 stanovnika (2011.), zadarska bi obuhvatila Sjevernu Dalmaciju i Liku s 330 000 stanovnika, a splitska bi obuhvatila Srednju Dalmaciju i Dubrovnik (Južna Dalmacija) s 578 000 stanovnika. Prostor Like se funkcionalno i gospodarski optimalno usmjerava na Zadar, s obzirom na nove procese povezivanja autocestom i brz noviji razvoj Zadra. ; In this work, the author's starting point is a maximum quality and functional territorial organisation of Croatia, especially its littoral area. Adriatic Croatia, as well as Eastern (Pannonian) and Northwestern Croatia, is one of the three defined (future) Euroregions NUTS II in Croatia. It was suggested in its current territorial coverage by the Republic of Croatia, and accepted by Eurostat in 2007. It includes all littoral counties (7) of Croatia, covering 24.7 thousand km2 with 1.4 million inhabitants (2011). The paper discusses a possible differentiation of this strategic littoral Adriatic area on three functional (gravitational) regions of the third level (NUTS III) according to the criteria of the Croatian Government on efficient decentralisation and new regionalisation of Croatia. Namely, some littoral counties do not meet the European demographic criterion for statistical NUTS III region (150-800 thousand inhabitants) although, in general, Croatian counties meet this criterion. That is why the author, applying demographic, geographic, economic, administrative and other criteria, stresses the need for defining the demographically maximally coordinated three nodal-functional, i.e., gravitational regions with their centres in Rijeka, Zadar and Split. So, the Rijeka region would potentially cover Istria, Kvarner and Gorski Kotar areas with 505,000 inhabitants (2011), Zadar region would cover North Dalmatian and Lika areas with 330,000 inhabitants, and Split region would include Middle Dalmatian and Dubrovnik (South Dalmatian) areas with 578,000 inhabitants. The area of Lika is functionally and economically most optimally oriented towards Zadar, with regard to new processes of highway linking and the recent fast development of Zadar.

Osamostaljivanje Republike Hrvatske zahtijevalo je potrebu formiranja svih dijelova upravnog sustava svojstvenih samostalnoj državi. Zbog izvanrednih okolnosti pobune i ratne agresije, formiranje samostalnog i operativno osposobljenog upravnog resora unutarnjih poslova, bilo je od esencijalne važnosti za održavanje unutarnje sigurnosti. Svrha ovog rada jest istražiti specifičnosti ustroja i djelokruga poslova Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova u razdoblju od početka 1990. do 1992. godine. U tom cilju, daje se prikaz povijesnih događaja političke tranzicije pri čemu je naglasak na onima koji su u bitnome determinirali smjer i dinamiku razvoja resora unutarnjih poslova. Istražit će se i analizirati organizacijski oblici na svim stupnjevima vertikalne diferencijacije kao i djelokrug nadležnosti ustrojstvenih cjelina ministarstva, posebno redarstvenih službi. ; The independence process of the Republic of Croatia required the formation of all branches of the administrative system inherent in an independent state. Due to the state of emergency naimly the riots and war aggression, formation of an independent and fully operational administrative system of the Internal affairs was of vital importance in terms of maintenance of internal security. The purpose of this paper is to explore the organizationls specifities and the scope of work of the Ministry of the Interior from the beginning of 1990 until 1992. In order to achive this gol, the paper gives the historical overview of the political transition, with an emphasis on events which had essentially determined the direction and dynamics of the development process within the Internal affains branch. Forms of organization will be explored and analyzed at all levels of vertical differentiation, as well as the scope of competence of the Ministry's organizational units. Special emphasis is placed on different police services.

Djelovanje Hrvatskog sabora u komunističkom razdoblju (1945.-1990.) nije cjelovito obrađena tema. Ovim člankom daje se prilog poznavanju njegove organizacije u razdoblju od 1963. do 1974. godine. Detaljno je opisana razgranata struktura i aktivnost njegovih pet vijeća (Republičko, Privredno, Prosvjetno-kulturno, Socijalnozdravstveno i Organizaciono-političko) i radnih tijela, koju ilustrira i broj održanih sjednica. Između ostalog, to je trebalo pokazivati položaj Sabora kao formalno najvišeg tijela vlasti, odnosno centra u kojem se donose najvažnije političke odluke o svim područjima života u Hrvatskoj. U vezi s tim, naznačena je potreba za detaljnom analizom odnosa između formalnog (de iure) i stvarnog (de facto) položaja Sabora u tadašnjem političkom sustavu vlasti, kako bi se odgovorilo na pitanje je li, na koji način i u kojoj mjeri taj položaj bio oslabljen u odnosu na druga državna politička tijela (ponajprije Izvršno vijeće Sabora), odnosno instrumentaliziran od strane središnjih tijela Saveza komunista Jugoslavije/Hrvatske. Rezultati istraživanja prezentirani su kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a na kraju članka sistematizirani su u obliku tabličnog prikaza. ; The organisation and the activities of the Croatian Parliament in the communist period (1945-1990) is not a fully researched topic. The paper gives a contribution to the knowledge of its organisation in the period from 1963 to 1974. Its branched structure and the activities of its councils and working bodies are described in detail, which is also illustrated by the number of held sessions. By the Yugoslavian constitution adopted in April 1963, also called "the charter of selfmanagement", the name of the state was changed from People's to Socialist, its socialist attributes were emphasized, and selfmanagement was introduced in all segments of the society. By the new republican constitutions, such changes were also carried out in all then-existing Yugoslavian republics, including Croatia. In the forefront were placed »the sovereign rights of the working people and the Yugoslavian nations which they exercise«, inter alia, as representatives of the working people in councils of federal and republican assemblies. It had affected the organisation of the highest formal political institutions of the government, including federal and republican assemblies, which were declared as »the highest state and self-government authorities, under the law and obligations« of federation, i.e. the republic. The declarative constitutional concept on the assemblies as the highest state and self-government authorities implied the shift in their organisation and activities from the traditional legislative bodies and »law factories« towards »the responsible policy holders«. In other words, »becoming the working selfgovernment bodies«, assemblies were meant to become the centres in which »the whole social practice and harmonised politics is gathered«. Thus, for example, by the constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia from April 1963, it was declared that the Parliament (Sabor) can discuss and adopt declarations and resolutions »on all issues of common interest for the Republic [.] laying down values on politics in certain area and the means of its achievement«. The Croatian Parliament's Rules of Procedure from 1965 provided the possibility of convening a General Croatian Conference (Opći sabor Hrvatske), i.e. joint sessions »on all issues of the common interest for the Republic« of all of Parliament's councils with the Central Committee of the Socialist League of Working People of Croatia and the Republican Committee for Croatia of the Association of Trade Unions in Yugoslavia. The main characteristic of the organisation of the Croatian Parliament in the period from 1963 to 1974 was its complex structure. In order to express its working character and central role in the political decision-making process in all spheres of life in Croatia, it was organised as a five-cameral institution. It was the highest number of its chambers in the whole socialist period: until 1953 it was unicameral, in the period 1953-1963 bicameral, and in the period 1974-1990 a three-cameral institution. Those five chambers were: the Republican Council, the Economic Council, the Educational and Cultural Council, the Social and Health Council and the Organisational and Political Council. The Republican Council had 120 representatives, directly elected by the municipal assemblies and citizens. The other four councils had 80 representatives each, elected by the municipal assemblies among the workers across the working areas within the competence of each council. Except the Presidency of Parliament and its five councils, during the whole period 110 different permanent or temporary working bodies were established. Of that total, there were 27 joint working bodies of Parliament as a whole; the Republican Council had 20, the Economic Council 14, the Educational and Cultural Council 15, the Social and Health Council 18, and the Organisational and Political Council 16 permanent or temporary working bodies. The Parliament's councils and working bodies held in total 3 960 sessions, i.e. 360 per year. By comparison, in the period 1947-1953 during which it was organised as a unicameral body, the Parliament and its working bodies held in total 220 sessions (around 30 per year). In the period 1953- 1963 during which it was organised as a bicameral body, the Parliament and its working bodies held in total 1224 sessions, i.e. around 120 per year. More detailed data on the number of sessions held in the analysed period are listed in the table at the end of this paper. The table also includes a systematic overview of all working bodies which were described earlier in this paper, llustrating at the same time the dynamics of changes in their establishment and elimination. Some authors describe the Parliamentary institutions in the communist states with the metaphor rubber stamp legislatures, meaning the institutions with small practical power in the political decisionmaking process, which automatically put a stamp on the legislative proposals of their governments, i.e. communist parties as the real owners of the political power. Some of the researches singled out as exceptions the Polish Sejm and the Yugoslavian Federal Assembly (in the frame of the political system established by the Yugoslavian constitution from 1974). That opens a new research topic about whether the Croatian Parliament in the period 1963-1974 was also "a paradoxical institution" or an exception. In other words, the relation between the formal (de iure) and the real (de facto) position of Croatian Parliament in the political system of that time should be more closely researched, as well as to find whether its position was weakened, in what way and to what extent by the comparison with other state political institutions (notably the Executive Council of Parliament of the Socialist Republic of Croatia), i.e. instrumentalized by the central bodies of the League of Communist of Yugoslavia/Croatia.

U radu se izlaže prvi dio prijedloga analitičkog okvira za opće razmatranje teritorijalne osnove lokalne samouprave. Obrađene su dvije sastavnice tog okvira: 1. opća načela na kojima se treba zasnivati podjela teritorijana lokalne samoupravne jedinice i 2. uvjeti koji ograničavaju odnosno faktori koji utječu na teritorijalnu podjelu. Valjanost analitičkog instrumentarija provjerava se na komparativnom materijalu. ; The paper contains the first part of the analytical framework for theoretical analysis of the territorial basis of local self-government. Two components of the framework have been dealt with: 1) general principles on which territorial organisation should be based in any developed local self-government system, and 2) conditions that limit and factors that influence any territorial organisation. With regard to general principles, the author differentiates between the principles of the territorial basis of the whole local self-government system and the principles related to the determination of the territory of individual local self-government units, i.e., parts of local self-government system. The principles related to the whole local self-government system are coverage, stability, rationality, and organisational adequacy of the territorial division, while the principles on which the territory of local self-government units should be based are the wholeness of a self-government unit, uniformity of local selfgovernment units, financial capacity and independence, democratic quality of local governance, and accessibility of local services. Each principle has been analysed with regard to its limitations and problems concerning its implementation. The author points out contradictory implications that may arise from the implementation of certain principles related to territorial determination of local self-government units. The second component of the analytical framework deals with objective conditions and subjective factors that determine and influence territorial organisation. These conditions and factors have been grouped and systematised into eight groups according to the degree of their invariance: natural characteristics of the territory; network and types of settlements; population characteristics; administrative-territorial tradition; level of economic development; transport and communication networks; efficiency and effectiveness of local services; and political aims and interests. The validity of analytical tools has been corroborated by the examples from comparative local self-government. The second part of the analytical framework containing the main problems of any territorial division to local self-government units and their possible solutions is forthcoming.

U radu se izlaže prvi dio prijedloga analitičkog okvira za opće razmatranje teritorijalne osnove lokalne samouprave. Obrađene su dvije sastavnice tog okvira: 1. opća načela na kojima se treba zasnivati podjela teritorija na lokalne samoupravne jedinice i 2. uvjeti koji ograničavaju odnosno faktori koji utječu na teritorijalnu podjelu. Valjanost analitičkog instrumentarija provjerava se na komparativnom materijalu. ; The paper contains the first pan of the analytical framework for theoretical analysis of the territorial basis of local self-government. Two components of the framework have been dealt with: 1 ) general principles on which territorial organisation should be based in any developed local self-government System, and 2) conditions that limit and factors that influence any territorial organisation. With regard to general principles, the author differentiates between the principles of the territorial basis of the whole local self-government System and the principles related to the determination of the territory of individual local self-government units, i.e., parts of local self-government System, The principles related to the whole local self-government System are coverage, stabïlity, rationality, and organisational adequacy of the territorial division, whïle the principles on which the territory of local self-government units should be based are the wholeness of a self-government unit, uniformity of local self- government units, financial capacity and independence, démocratie quality of local governance, and accessïbïlity of local services. Each principle has been analysed with regard to its limitations and Problems concerning its implémentation. The author points out contradictory implications that may arise from the implémentation of certain principles related to territorial détermination of local self-government units. The second component of the analytical framework deals with objective conditions and subjective factors that determine and influence territorial organisation. These conditions and factors have been grouped and systematised into eight groups according to the degree of their invariance: natural characteristics of the territory; network and types of settlements; population characteristics; administrative-territorial tradition; level of economic development; transport and communication networks; efficiency and effectiveness of local services; and political aims and interests. The validity of analytical tools has been corroborated by the examples from comparative local self-government, The second part of the analytical framework containing the main Problems of any territorial division to local self-government units and their possible solutions is forthcoming.

Odnos Europske Unije i crkava, religijskih zajednica i udruženja različitih nereligioznih uvjerenja institucionaliziran je Deklaracijom br. 11 Ugovora iz Amsterdama, Poveljom o temeljnim pravima Europske Unije (čl. 10.) i Lisabonskim ugovorom (čl. 17. Konsolidirane verzije Ugovora o funkcioniranju Europske Unije). Budući da ugovori o stvaranju Europske zajednice i poslije Europske Unije nisu spominjali odnos prema religijskim zajednicama, što je posve razumljivo s obzirom na sadržaj ugovora, tek je s neformalnim, a potom sve više službenim inicijativama između Europske komisije i predstavnika vodećih religijskih zajednica došlo do dijaloga. Pokušajem identificiranja ključnih prekretnica u odnosu između Europske Unije te crkava i nekonfesionalnih organizacija ovaj rad želi istražiti mogućnosti historijskog institucionalizma u istraživanju političkog sustava Europske Unije. Ključne prekretnice moguće je promatrati kod crkava i religijskih zajednica, kao i kod političkih tijela Europske Unije. Pri proučavanju promjena koje dovode do stvaranja europskog modela odnosa prema religijskim zajednicama rad se zadržava na radu Europske komisije, dok utjecaj europskog zakonodavstva (koje uključuje sudske odluke Europskog suda i Europskog suda za ljudska prava) ostavlja za jednu širu analizu ovog odnosa. ; The relationship between the European Union and churches, religious associations and associations of various non-religious beliefs is institutionalised by Declaration 11 of the Treaty of Amsterdam, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (Art. 10) and the Treaty of Lisbon (Art. 17 of the Consolidated version of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union). As the treaties on the creation of the European Community and, later, the European Union failed to mention the relationship towards religious associations, which is perfectly understandable considering the contents of the treaties, a dialogue arose only with the informal, and, thereupon, more and more official initiatives between the European ...

Savez udruženja boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata, kao društveno-politička organizacija, okupljao je nekadašnje partizanske borce, vojne invalide, obitelji poginulih boraca i sudionike Narodnooslobodilačkoga pokreta. Od mnogih funkcija, briga za socijalno-materijalni položaj članova i očuvanje sjećanja na Narodnooslobodilački rat u društvu činili su najvažnije segmente društveno-političkoga rada Saveza. Unutarnjom reorganizacijom Saveza boraca na lokalnoj razini i konsolidacijom novih općinskih odbora 1966. njegove lokalne organizacije jačaju i sve intenzivnije sudjeluju u društveno-političkom životu općine. U radu je prikazan put formiranja Općinskoga odbora Saveza boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata Labin, proces jačanja njegova ideološko-političkoga djelovanja, sustav boračke zaštite i općinske socijalne skrbi za borce te forme očuvanja i promicanja ratnih i revolucionarnih tradicija na lokalnoj razini. ; The Veterans' Federation (later: Federation of Veterans' Associations) of the People's Liberation War of Yugoslavia was founded in 1947 as a socio-political organisation of People's Liberation War veterans and active participants of the People's Liberation Movement, with committees formed according to the territorial principle—from the Federal, through republican and provincial, to municipal and local committees. It was characterised by a well-developed system of operation focused on the systematisation of veterans' care and all forms of material, social, and health care for members as well as preserving and evoking public memory of the war. Combativeness and vigilance became high priorities of its socio-political work, especially from the mid-1960s and early 1970s, when members of the Veterans' Federation became politicised in the wake of important socio-political changes. Simultaneous reorganisation-related changes and the activation of new municipal committees contributed to the intensification of the work of local veterans' organisations, which manifested as the establishment of some new commissions and, in the following years, an influx of new members and a closer cooperation with other social and socio-political factors in the municipalities. This paper first describes the founding of the Veterans' Federation of Yugoslavia, its structure and most important fields of activity, and then the formation, structure, and activities of the Municipal Committee of the Federation of Veterans' Associations in Labin, which, together with other municipal veterans' committees in the Socialist Republic of Croatia, represented the focus of veterans' activities regarding quality of life improvements of its members and preserving the memory of the People's Liberation War in the local community. This paper examines the most important changes in the Federation of Veterans' Associations' mode of operation, describes the local strategies of ideological work and work on creating a culture of memory related to the wartime and revolutionary past, and the ways in which the veterans' organisation resolved the material and social-health issues of its members, and therefore influenced their quality of life. The research was based on materials of the Republican Committee of the Federation of Veterans' Associations of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the documentation of the Municipal Committee of the Federation of Veterans' Associations in Labin, which has been mostly preserved for the late socialist period.