"Die Bestrebungen südosteuropäischer Staaten, den Weg der europäischen Integration einzuschlagen, haben die betroffenen Länder vor gewaltige Herausforderungen gestellt. Neben der Demokratisierung und der Ablösung der gescheiterten sozialistischen Planwirtschaft durch marktwirtschaftliche Strukturen galt es, den Prozess der Staatsbildung zu bewältigen. Es gelang, demokratische Verfassungen zu beschließen und Institutionen aufzubauen. Gleichzeitig wird deutlich, dass der Weg zu konsolidierten Rechtsstaaten westlichen Typs noch lange nicht abgeschlossen ist." (Autorenreferat)
This article explores the institutionalization of state-led development in Myanmar after 1988 in comparison with Suharto's Indonesia. The analysis centres on the characteristics and theory of developmental states that emerged from the studies of East Asian countries like Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. In Southeast Asia, Suharto's Indonesia was perceived as a successful case and was studied by scholars in line with the characteristics of the developmental state. The Tatmadaw (military) government in Myanmar was believed to follow the model of state-led development in Indonesia under Suharto where the military took the role of establishing economic and political development. However, Myanmar has yet to achieve its goal of building a successful state-led development. Therefore, this paper argues that implementing an efficient and effective institutionalization is essential for a successful state-led development (developmental state) in Myanmar. (JCSA/GIGA)
Most governance arrangements involve spatial units with highly unequal powers, for example, a feudal monarchy and its principalities, an empire and its colonies, a formal empire and an informal empire (or sphere of influence), a national government and its subnational entities, or a regional government and its local entities. In this situation, the dominant unit (A) usually enjoys some discretion about how to institutionalize its authority over the subordinate unit (B). An important element of this decision concerns how much authority should be delegated to the weaker unit. The authors simplify this dimension of governance along a continuum of "direct" and "indirect" styles of rule. Why, in some cases, does one find a relatively direct (centralized) system of rule and in others a relatively indirect (decentralized) system of rule? While many factors impinge on this decision, the authors argue that an important and highly persistent factor is the prior level of centralization existing within the subordinate unit. Greater centralization in B is likely to lead to a more indirect form of rule between A and B, all other things being equal. The authors refer to this as an institutional theory of direct/indirect rule. Empirical analyses of this hypothesis are applied to patterns of direct and indirect rule (1) during the age of imperialism and (2) across contemporary nation-states. The article concludes by discussing applications of the theory in a variety of additional settings. (World Politics / SWP)
The study of party systems and political parties is one of the largest subfields in political science. Classic studies in advanced democracies focused primarily on party systems and developed theories about the causes and consequences of different types of systems. In recent years, new academic work begun to differentiate parties within systems by understanding their organizational structure, their internal dynamics, the different ways in which they interact with their constituencies, and the strategies that they use to attract voters. Studies show that parties within the same system behave and react differently given their internal conditions. This article reviews three scholarly books that deal with this issue. 1.:Alcántara Sáez, Manuel (ed.) (2008), Politicians and Politics in Latin America, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. 2.:Greene, Kenneth F. (2007), Why Dominant Parties Lose. Mexico's Democratization in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. 3.: Levitsky, Steven (2003), Transforming Labor-based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. The works analyze the internal dynamics of Latin American political parties and their capacity to respond and adapt their structures when environmental challenges take place. (JPLA)
Sowohl die starke Verbreitung und die konstant hohe Anzahl von Neugründungen als auch der Zuwachs an Stiftungskapital sprechen dafür, so die Verfasserinnen, dass das Modell Bürgerstiftung Bekanntheit erreicht hat und Vertrauen bei Bürgerinnen und Bürgern genießt. Die Bürgerstiftungen haben beachtliche Erfolge beim Kapitalaufbau erzielt. Um als zivilgesellschaftliche Organisation gesellschaftlich wirksam tätig sein zu können, ist jedoch der Aufbau des Stiftungsvermögens eine Hauptaufgabe für die kommenden Jahre. Die Bürgerstiftung hat sich, so die These, in der deutschen Bürgergesellschaft innerhalb einer Dekade als zeitgemäßes Stiftungsmodell fest etabliert. Stand dabei zunächst die Verbreitung der Bürgerstiftungen im Vordergrund, wird die nächste Dekade nicht mehr so sehr von weiteren Neugründungen geprägt sein. Vielmehr werden die bereits bestehenden Bürgerstiftungen vor neue Herausforderungen hinsichtlich ihrer Positionierung und Professionalisierung gestellt werden. (ICF2)
The special section on democratic theory discusses the lasting impact of the late Iris M. Young's (1949-2006) thought for political theory today. In his introductory essay, Peter Niesen suggests that the two central motives of Young's work, her political conception of justice addressed to phenomena of oppression, & her understanding of democracy as communicative rather than deliberative, are both oriented towards an ideal of maximal social inclusion as equals. The articles in the special section take up various facets of Young's thought, from gender difference to global inequalities to the theory of civil society & democratic public spheres. Inspired by Young's characteristic style, the contributions refer back to concrete social observations & perceptions of injustice in order to sharpen & revise the analytical & normative concepts of political theory. Ina Kerner gives a reading of Young's writings on the phenomenology of the female body, showing how Young purposely subverts the lines between 'essentialist' & artificial interpretations of sex & gender differences in order to use the resources of 'body language' as a reservoir of critique. Regina Kreide takes up Young's writings on global justice & the question of whether there exists a 'just way of producing' a T-Shirt, and, if not, who ought to be considered responsible for that fact. She discusses & modifies Young's 'social connection' model of responsibility as not involving strict individual liability for past action or inaction, but as involving collective duties geared to future relations. Moving from the theory of justice to democratic theory, Elisabeth Conradi invokes the practice of 'greeting' to suggest that argumentative democratic practices ought to be supplemented by alternative forms of inclusion & recognition. Sandra Seubert develops Young's idea of a civil society structured by group affinities & struggles. She suggests that support for marginalized groups need not necessarily strengthen a society's democratic credentials, as it may empower the destructive potential of 'uncivil' groups. Taken together, the essays document the rich inspiration still originating from Young's work. Adapted from the source document.