By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies. .
Thucydides is considered to be the founder of political realism. Even in those times he determined the basic premises of realism - security and survival. He made an impact on subsequent development of realism embodied in the works of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Morgenthau, Car, Niebuhr, Aaron, Waltz etc. They will call the system of international relations as anarchical one since there is no supreme arbitrator which will force states to adequate behaviour. His views of realism were given in the volume 'The Peloponnesian War' where he had determined the anarchy of the relationships among states. Such system did not rely on justice and morale, but force and power were the predominant facts. He also introduces the category of just wars by claiming that Sparta led a just war against the increased power of Athens, and observed morale principles. Nevertheless, Thucydides faces contradictory, since Sparta itself as the largest land force of that time had to use force in order to beat Athens. He went ahead since he considered force and power as a necessary condition to achieve other objectives, which was later on adopted by Raymond Aaron. Following the example of the war between Athens and Sparta, he successfully analysed bipolar system of balance of power in which the conflict between the leading members of the two opposite blocks was possible in the end, while beforehand there should have been conflicts among weaker members of both blocks. Thucydides explained the manifestation of force and power using example of the Melian dialogue between the envoys of Athens and Melos. It was about the pure politics of force of Athens regardless of the fact that Melos had its independence.
Ova teza treba da istraži vezu između motiva, ciljeva i principa kanadske spoljno-političke agende, u odnosu na njen učinak na području očuvanja i izgradnje mira na Zapadnom Balkanu. Vremenski opseg obuhvata period od 1991. do 1999.godine. U vezi sa pojašnjenjem ovog pitanja, posebno se elaborira idejna osnova te spoljno-političke agende, zatim njeno formiranje kroz viziju međunarodne pozicije Kanade u međunarodnoj politici i na kraju kontekstualizacija te vizije u spoljno-političku misiju Kanade u regiji Zapadnog Balkana. Teza na teorijskom nivou uključuje istraživanje savremenih trendova u oblasti bezbjednosti, uticaja ideja na spoljnu politiku, proces kreiranja i realizacije spoljno-politikih strategija kao i istraživanje učinka spoljno-političkih akcija u kontekstu očuvanja i izgradnje mira. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je evaluacija učinka onog dijela kanadske agende ljudske bezbjednosti koji se odnosi na učešće u međunarodnim mirovnim misijama na Zapadnom Balkanu tokom devedesetih godina prošlog vijeka. Teza se zasniva na činjenici da kanadski pristup i doprinos regionalnoj bezbjednosti, posmatran iz ugla teorijskog pravca ljudske bezbjednosti, u regiji Zapadnog Balkana nije dovoljno istražen na naučnoj osnovi. To se posebno odnosi na učinak kanadskih snaga u okviru međunarodnih mirovnih misija u Hrvatskoj, BiH i na Kosovu, u odnosu na kanadsku agendu ljudske bezbjednosti. Naučni doprinos ovog rada bio bi u naučnoj sintezi međunarodno afirmisane agende ljudske bezbjednosti i njenoj kontekstualnoj primjeni kroz djelovanje kanadske mirovne misije u Regiji. Društveni doprinos ovog rada ogleda se u činjenici da se na temeljan način skreće pažnja stručnoj javnosti na kanadski doprinos izgradnji mira na Zapadnom Balkanu, na osnovama liberalnog internacionalizma. ; This thesis aims to explore the links among the motives, purposes and principles of the Canadian foreign policy agenda, with respect to its impact in the field of preserving and building peace in the Western Balkans. The timeframe covers the period from 1991 to1999. With regards to the clarification of this issue, particularly elaborated is the conceptual basis for this foreign policy agenda, then its shaping through the vision of the international position of Canada in the global politics and finally the contextualization of this vision into the Canadian foreign policy mission in the Western Balkans. On a theoretical level, the thesis includes the research into contemporary trends in the field of security, the impact of ideas on foreign policy, the development and implementation of foreign policy strategy, and it also explores the impact of foreign policy actions in the context of preserving and building peace. The scientific objective of this research is appraisal of the effect of that part of Canadian human security agenda relating to participation in international peacekeeping missions in the Western Balkans during the nineteen nineties. The thesis is based on the fact that the Canadian approach and contribution to regional security, observed from the perspective of the theoretical line of human security in the Western Balkans region has not been sufficiently explored from the scientific point of view. This is especially true of the effect of the Canadian troops in the international peacekeeping missions in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Kosovo, in relation to the Canadian human security agenda. Scientific contribution of this work would be in the scientific synthesis of the internationally-established human security agenda and its application through contextual actions of Canadian peacekeeping mission in the region. The social contribution of this work is reflected in the fact that the attention is drawn to the expert public in a fundamental way to the Canadian contribution towards peacebuilding in the Western Balkans, on the bases of liberal internationalism.
Pitanje prava drzava na samoodbranu je jedno od fundamentalnih pitanja medjunarodnog javnog prava. Ovo nacelo koji postoji koliko i samo medjunarodno pravo, formulisano je na univerzalan nacin sredinom proslog vijeka, i postoje mnogi pisani radovi o njegovoj izradi i tumacenju. Pozivanje na samoodbranu kroz cijelu istoriju je koristeno kao opravdanje za zloupotrebu sile od strane drzava van svojih teritorija. ; Question of right of states to self-defense is one of the fundamental questions of public international law. This principle, which exists just as long as public international law does, was formulated in universal manner by the mid 20th century and there are many written works on its formulation and interpretation. Invoking self-defense during the course of history was used as a pretext for the use of force by the states outside of its territories. Right of states to self-defense originates from customary international law. During antic and medieval times, principle of self-defense was linked to the theory of just war which was differently interpreted in different times. In the period between two world wars, still there was no absolute prohibition of the use of force in international relations so the principle of self-defense was linked to the right of self-help through use of different forcible measures: retorsions, reprisals, naval blockade, intervention and demonstration of naval power. Contrary to the period of League of Nations, mechanism of implementation of international law was centralized by the foundation of the United Nations because a single body – Security Council – was entrusted with the authority to determine when the use of force is allowed in international law. Article 51 of the United Nations Charter defines that the states have a right to individual or collective self-defense in case of armed attack on the UN member state. This right is considered legitimate until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.
