Suchergebnisse

Das ValCon-Projekt untersucht, ob und wie digitale und soziale Medien die zunehmende gesellschaftliche Wertepolarisierung und den Aufstieg des Populismus in Europa fördern. Die Studie wurde von Ipsos Public Affairs durchgeführt. Im Erhebungszeitraum April bis Mai 2021 wurden Personen zwischen 18 und 65 Jahren mit Internetzugang in 6 europäischen Ländern (Deutschland, Frankreich, Irland, Italien, Polen, Spanien) in Onlineinterviews (CAWI) zu folgenden Themen befragt: Soziale Medien, demokratische Werte, politische Partizipation und Ausrichtung. Die Auswahl der Befragten erfolgte durch eine Quotenstichprobe aus dem Ipsos Online-Access-Panel mit folgenden Quotenmerkmalen: Alter, Geschlecht, Region, Bildung.

The Diplomatic Conference on the Reaffirmation and Development of International Humanitarian Law Applicable in Armed Conflicts met in Geneva from 1974 to 1977. During its fourth session, in 1977, the Conference finally adopted two Protocols additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 for the protection of victims of war—Protocol I relating to international armed conflicts and Protocol II relating to non-international conflicts.

Why do some ethnic groups in conflict (those that are mobilized or face discrimination) receive more external support than others do? This is an important question that has been overlooked despite the crucial role international support has played. Which characteristics of groups and their host states cause them to receive more support? I consider three explanations. First, separatist groups are less likely to receive support owing to their threat to regional stability and international norms. This argument is derived from accounts focusing on the inhibiting impact of vulnerability upon the foreign policies of African states. Second, groups in stronger states are more likely to receive support as states try to weaken their most threatening adversaries - an application of realist logic. Third, groups with ethnic ties to actors in positions of power elsewhere are more likely to receive external assistance. Using Minorities at Risk data, analyses focusing on the number of states supporting particular groups and the intensity of this support suggest that ethnic ties influence the international relations of ethnic conflict more than vulnerability and relative power. Further analyses contrast the international relations of peaceful ethnic disputes and violent ethnic conflicts. These analyses reveal that some factors (such as regime type, nearby separatism) increase breadth and/or intensity of support for groups that are not engaged in violence, while other variables (separatism of the group in question, relative power of host) influence the international relations of violent conflicts. The article concludes with implications for policy and future research.

This contribution explores the distribution of power at the workplace by analysing how overt conflicts between workers and managers concerning discipline and workers' rights are resolved. The paper demonstrates that the procedures employed to resolve worker-management conflict since 1959 have granted significant powers to workers

מאז ה-11 בספטמבר 2001, נעלם 'הסדר העולמי החדש' של שנות התשעים ואיתו נעלמים זן שלם של מושגים והסברים 'פוסט-מודרניסטיים ורב תרבותיים. 'הביטחון הלאומי' מזמן המלחמה הקרה חוזר לשלוט בכיפת השיח הבינלאומי. האם מדובר בהערכות מדינית של המעצמות שנועדה לפלס דרך להמשך התהליך של 'הגלובליזציה' הכלכלית? ואולי מדובר בשינוי מהותי ביחסי הכוח שמניעים את המשטר הקפיטליסטי, כלומר בתוך הקבוצות הדומיננטיות ששולטות בעולם?

In 1991, after a long, arduous and highly dynamic struggle that transformed many of the bases of their society, the Eritrean people won their freedom. The attempt began to reconstruct their war-ravaged society. But, following the renewal of conflict with Ethiopia in 1998 and continuation of hostilities, many of those earlier gains have been set back and the movement towards popular democracy reversed. The nature of Eritrea's post-independence state, the earlier struggle for gender equality and the current crackdown on dissent are here illuminated.

Gründe für die politische Instabilität der Region. Kurzer Abriß der Geschichte der Krisen und Konflikte in Äthiopien, Somalia und Djibuti. Die Interessen und die Rolle der Sowjetunion und der USA in der Region und die wechselnden Allianzen. (DÜI-Ott)

The relationship between inequality and civil conflict has attracted considerable interest in conflict research. Recent large -N studies have shown that inequalities significantly contribute to the outbreak of civil conflict and have proposed a number of causal pathways to account for this. These pathways, however, have rarely been assessed in systematic case-based research. This study implements a "middle -N" qualitative congruence analysis of 16 conflicts, focusing on the observable implications of the pathways through which inequalities are typically theorized to influence conflict. The study finds evidence to support some of the main pathways proposed in the quantitative literature. Furthermore, the analysis finds that different types of inequalities relate to different conflict categories. Specifically, vertical inequalities relate to non-ethnic governmental conflicts (via an "individual deprivation pathway"), regional inequalities to non-ethnic territorial conflicts (via a "separatist pathway"), and horizontal inequalities to ethnic conflicts (via a "group deprivation pathway").