Suchergebnisse

Wie ist es dazu gekommen, dass Krieg heute zu einem normalen Mittel der Politik geworden zu sein scheint? Sind alle Hoffnungen, dass nach der Erfahrung zweier Weltkriege vor fast 100 bzw. 75 Jahren Krieg endlich überwunden werden kann, vergeblich gewesen? Und was kann getan werden, diesem Trend entgegenzuwirken? Genügt es, gegen jeden neuen Krieg auf die Straße zu gehen, später den Abzug der Soldaten aus dem jeweils neuesten Kriegsgebiet zu fordern, um dann früher oder später wieder angesichts eines neuen Kriegsschauplatzes den gleichen Zyklus erneut zu durchlaufen? Und wie sieht es mit der Zivilen Konfliktbearbeitung aus? Ist sie in der Lage, überhaupt adäquat auf die heutigen Herausforderungen zu reagieren? Welche neuen Tendenzen gibt es hier?
Diesen Fragen will dieses Papier in drei Teilen nachgehen. In dem ersten soll die Entwicklung seit 1945 nachgezeichnet werden, und gezeigt werden, dass es durchaus auch, längerfristig gesehen, hoffnungsvolle Entwicklungen gibt, wenngleich diese durch die Militarisierung der Außenpolitik Gefahr laufen, zunichte gemacht zu werden. In dem zweiten Teil geht es um das Thema Anspruch und Wirklichkeit von Friedensförderung heute, und zwar im Hinblick auf vier Akteursgruppen: Zivilgesellschaft und Staat in den Ländern, wo Konflikte gewaltsam ausgetragen werden und Zivilgesellschaft und Staat hier bei uns, als einem Land, das in Konflikte anderenorts interveniert bzw. zusammen mit seinen Verbündeten den Krieg gelegentlich auch in andere Länder trägt. Im dritten Teil schließlich sollen dann einige Schlussfolgerungen gezogen und Desiderata benannt werden.

'Political Settlements in Divided Societies', one of the latest contributions to the literature on Cyprus, attempts to analyse the failure of the Annan Plan through the prism of consociational approaches to negotiated settlements.

Die Entwicklung des Palästinaproblems und insbesondere der palästinensischen Politik wird im Kontext der regionalen und internationalen Einflußfaktoren eingeschätzt: das politische Umfeld der PLO; die Entwicklung der palästinensischen Befreiungsbewegung zu einer nationalen Unabhängigkeitsbewegung; die internationale Anerkennung der PLO als legitime Vertreterin des palästinensischen Volkes; die US-Politik gegenüber dem Palästinaproblem und der PLO; aktuelle Entwicklungen (Intifada, Golfkrieg, Emigration russischer Juden nach Israel). (DÜI-Hns)

In Sanctioning Assad's Syria Rune Friberg Lyme explores the direct and indirect repercussions of the international sanctions on Syria's institutional infrastructure, socioeconomic situation and political power structures, underpinning the regimes authoritarian rule. A comprehensive battery of international sanctions has been imposed on the Syrian regime with reference to its brutal oppression of the popular protests, erupting in early 2011. As the violence has spiralled into civil war, the sanctions have restrained the physical and financial mobility of regime insiders and severely hampered the fiscal, monetary agility and ability of the dissolving Syrian state, effectively curbing its ability to obtain revenues and hindering international transactions. As a result, the Syrian government faces a substantial, unsustainable budget deficit. However, repercussions of the sanctions are felt well beyond Syria's presidential palaces, security headquarters and regime affiliated business tycoon offices. Having added to Syria's hiking inflation, increasing unemployment rates, decreasing salaries levels, and impeded import of goods, including food and medicine, the sanctions have inflated the socioeconomic costs of the conflict and exacerbated pre-existing socioeconomic difficulties facing significant parts of the population. With the security sector finding financial sources external to the state purse, pro-regime security agencies and their funders may be benefitting from the economic conditions the sanctions are stimulating. Consequently, the security sector is likely to remain resilient to the sanctions while the civilian state structures are crumbling and refugee numbers rising.

I ask how the location of a protest affects how forcefully governments crack down. This geography of repression provides insight into a larger strategic problem: under what conditions do leaders meet protests with violence? I argue that protests in rural areas pose a smaller threat and, thus, prompt less frequent intervention. However, when governments decide to repress rural protests, they are less concerned that lethal repression might incite a backlash, as there are fewer bystanders in more rural areas that can join the fray. I uncover two patterns consistent with this theory: (1) repression is 30 percent more frequent in response to social conflicts in urban areas; but (2), if the state does employ repression, it is 75 percent more likely to kill dissidents in rural areas. The empirical relationships I report cannot be explained by reporting bias, international sanctioning, proximity to past armed conflicts, or the presence of natural resources.

Of approximately 100 empirical democratic peace articles published in journals and papers presented at conferences over the last 10 years, none identifies a positive and statistically significant relationship between democratic dyads and militarized conflict. Therefore, many international relations researchers have reached the conclusion that widespread democratization will lead to a more peaceful world. Nevertheless, two different attacks on these fundamental premises have been advanced recently. One argues that the pacificity of democratic dyads is restricted to the post-World War II era. The other argues that democratizing states, as opposed to states experiencing regime changes, have a greater propensity to engage in war. The present authors find that neither the arguments nor the evidence hold up well to closer scrutiny. First, when controlling for changes in specific predominant rivalry structures, pre-1914 democratic dyads are less likely to engage in militarized conflict. Second, democratic transitions do not produce a window of heightened vulnerability to war participation.

When it comes to understanding how peacebuilding affects violence-centred masculinities that emerge during civil wars, the literature on gender and post-conflict reconstruction reveals large gaps. To address this shortcoming, the article analyses the way in which security sector reform (SSR) in Liberia has changed institutional practices of masculinity within the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) and the Liberian National Police (LNP). Based on interviews conducted during field research in Monrovia in 2017 and the analysis of policy documents, the author shows that, indeed, SSR has contributed to a change of violence-centred masculinities in both institutions. Women are now, to some extent, accepted as part of both organisations. Sometimes they are even regarded as crucial for mission success. Institutionally, citizen orientation has replaced the practice to abuse civilians and, in the case of the AFL, there are now procedures in place that allow for a prosecution of sexual violence. The Liberian case shows that for changes to occur, especially disarmament and demobilisation, vetting, and the development and reinforcement of new institutional cultures via training and legislation are essential.

Germany is federally organised. Its Constitution (Basic Law) forbids any alteration to a federal structure, which is unique among EU member states. Regarding international co-operation, a federal structure is likely to cause conflicts between federal and county responsibility. Police work mainly consists of criminal investigation, maintaining law and order, and prevention of crime. International police co-operation is a maze of regulations. The present situation is undergoing drastic changes, ft can be noted that most international law enforcement strategies regard the fight against crime. International extradition laws enable states to prosecute offenders. The European Union and the Schengen-Countries approached police and judicial cooperation. The European Heads of State in the Treaty of Amsterdam amended the Treaty on the European Union. The European provisions on police co-operation are altered to a large extent to "provide citizens with a high level of safety within an area of freedom, security and justice". ; Vokietija -federalinė valstybė. Vokietijos Konstitucija (pagrindinis įstatymas) draudžia keisti unikalią, palyginti su kitomis Europos Sąjungos narėmis, Vokietijos federalinė struktūrą. Turint omeny tarptautinį bendradarbiavimą, federalinė struktūra gali tapti konfliktų tarp federalinės ir žemių valdžios priežastimi. Policijos darbo pagrindas - kriminaliniai tyrimai, teisėtvarkos saugojimas bei nusikaltimų prevencija. Tarptautinis policijos bendradarbiavimas - įvairiu normų labirintas. Šiuo metu vyksta drastiški pokyčiai Pažymėtina, kad daugumos tarptautinės teisės stiprinimo strategijų esmė yra kova su nusikalstamumu. Tarptautiniai ekstradacijos įstatymai suteikia galimybe valstybėms persekioti nusikaltėlius. Europos Sąjungos ir Šengeno valstybės pasiekė policijos ir teismo struktūrų bendradarbiavimo. Europos valstybių vadovai į Amsterdamo sutartį įtraukė Europos Sąjungos sutarties pataisas. Europos sutarčių nuostatos dėl policijos bendradarbiavimo iš esmės keičiamos tam, kad "garantuotų piliečiams didelį saugumą laisvės, saugumo ir teisingumo srityse".

A review essay on books by (1) Michael C. Williams, The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 2005); (2) Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (Boston, MA: McGraw-Hill, 2006); & (3) Hans J. Morgenthau, Political Theory and International Affairs: Hans J. Morgenthau on Aristotle's the Politics (Westport, CT, & London, 2004).

Досліджено міжнародно-правові аспекти юридичної природи Мінських домовленостей. Проаналізовано різне розуміння сторонами цих домовленостей їх юридичної природи, визначено настання можливих юридичних наслідків у випадку невиконання сторонами цих міжнародно-правових документів, а також з'ясовано роль і місце Мінських домовленостей у процесі мирного врегулювання конфлікту на Сході України. Зроблено науково обґрунтовані висновки щодо правильного розуміння і тлумачення Мінських домовленостей як специфічного виду міжнародно-правових актів. ; The importance of the Minsk agreements in resolving the conflict and the fact that they are the only agreed basis for achieving peace in eastern Ukraine has been repeatedly stated by world leaders and leaders of international intergovernmental organizations (primarily the UN, OSCE, EU, NATO, etc.). This fact determines the high importance of the processes taking place in the field of peaceful resolution of the conflict in eastern Ukraine. The relevance of the chosen research topic is due to the fact that the process of resolving the military conflict in Ukraine in the context of establishing stable peace and security in the east, as well as returning the occupied territories of Donbass to Ukrainian control is given much attention by political leadership scientific environment and the average population. In addition, the implementation of the Minsk Agreements was discussed at various international official meetings at the highest political level with the participation of the Ukrainian side. For Ukraine, which in the framework of the «hybrid war» faced such factors as the temporary occupation of the territory of Ukraine by the Russian Federation, issues of peace and security in the east of the state have become extremely important. As a result, legal scholars are increasingly questioning the legal nature of the Minsk agreements themselves, as well as the nature of the parties' international rights and obligations. The article examines the international legal aspects of clarifying the legal nature of the Minsk agreements. The parties' different understanding of the Minsk agreements on their legal nature is analyzed, the possible legal consequences in case of non-compliance with these international legal documents are determined, and the role and place of the Minsk agreements in the process of peaceful settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine are clarified. Scientifically substantiated conclusions on the correct understanding and interpretation of the Minsk Agreements as a specific type of international legal documents are provided. ; Исследованы международно-правовые аспекты юридической природы Минских договоренностей. Проанализировано разное понимание сторонами этих договоренностей их юридической природы, определено наступление возможных юридических последствий в случае невыполнения сторонами этих международно-правовых документов, а также выяснены роль и место Минских договоренностей в процессе мирного урегулирования конфликта на Востоке Украины. Сделаны научно обоснованные выводы относительно правильного понимания и толкования Минских договоренностей как специфического вида международно-правовых актов.