Suchergebnisse

Publications in western specialized journals which describe the Russian Federation's international behavior have always followed a certain paradigm of international relations. The article is an analysis of opinions and beliefs held by commentators and analysts writing for "Foreign Affairs", based on their publications about the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation on march 2014. They have been scrutinized using three predominant theories of international relations: realism, liberalism and constructivism. The research proved that western commentators and analysts writing about the annexation of Crimea usually present a single paradigm of international relations. Moreover, they believe it to be the only effective tool in explaining countries' foreign policy, thereby depreciating the value and usefulness of other paradigms. ; Publikacje w zachodniej prasie specjalistycznej dotyczące zachowań międzynarodowych Federacji Rosyjskiej od zawsze wpisują się w jakiś konkretny paradygmat stosunków międzynarodowych. Artykuł jest analizą opinii i poglądów prezentowanych przez komentatorów i analityków publikujących na łamach "Foreign Affairs", przeprowadzoną na podstawie ich publikacji dotyczących aneksji Krymu przez Federację Rosyjską w marcu 2014 r. Przeanalizowano je przez pryzmat trzech teorii stosunków międzynarodowych głównego nurtu, tj. realizmu, liberalizmu i konstruktywizmu. W wyniku badań uzyskano potwierdzenie opinii, iż zachodni komentatorzy i analitycy zazwyczaj wyraźnie prezentują wybrany paradygmat stosunków międzynarodowych, pisząc o aneksji Krymu. Ponadto uznają, iż jest on jedynym skutecznym narzędziem wyjaśniania polityki zagranicznej państw, a tym samym deprecjonują znaczenie i przydatność pozostałych paradygmatów.

This article analyses the international conditions during the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It is an outline of a broad research problem, a historical analysis from the perspective of the decades-long evolution of Yugoslavia's international position. After its expulsion from the Eastern Bloc in 1948, the country balanced between East and West, becoming one of the founders and leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement. The author focuses on the aspect of Yugoslavia's role in the politics of the West, especially the US and the EEC, during and at the end of the Cold War. It was the West that could, possibly, have played a role in preventing the disintegration of the country in the early 1990s, in contrast to the USSR, which had its own internal problems at that time. What factors influenced Western support for the SFRY during the Cold War? How did Yugoslavia's position in Western politics change when the Cold War rivalry ended? The author points out the temporal connection between the disintegration of the SFRY and, among other things, the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union, the democratisation process in Eastern Europe, German reunification, European integration, and the crisis in the Middle East. In the end, there was a lack of real and coherent action by Western countries to bring about a peaceful solution to the crisis in the Balkans. The consequence of this would be the disintegration of the SFRY and several years of war in the former Yugoslavia.

The aim of the paper is to analyze how Europeanization is used as an instrument of the European Union's foreign policy in the field of promoting democracy in the world. This fi rst requires an indication that all EU activities, including its relations with the international environment, are based on specific normative foundations. They include the so-called European values regarding, generally speaking, the promotion of democracy and broadly
understood human rights, as well as strengthening peace in international relations. "European values" are not only political and ideological guidelines, but also legal norms enshrined in EU treaties, so the promotion of democracy is one of the basic goals of the EU's foreign policy. Analysis of the EU's promotion of democracy requires the presentation of the main categories used to study this issue, i.e. showing what is understood by Europeanization, as well as by the associated concepts of democratization and socialization. Then mechanisms of europeanization are examined, as well as its results and evaluation of its effectiveness is provided. In this respect the case study is very helpful, in that it examines the results of
Europeanization in relation to the EU partner countries covered by the Eastern Partnership. The paper ends with fi nal remarks constituting a summary of the studied issues.

This article is a case study of the role played by a non-governmental organisation in the development policy and development assistance on the example of the Coprodeli Foundation in Peru. In developed democratic countries, the organs of state power entrust part of their tasks to civil society organisations. However, these organisations can also become the leader in the development policy replacing or supporting the state. This determination is particularly important in the perspective of developing countries. However, the business model of these organisations must be inclusive and not substitute. The model developed by Coprodeli involves both beneficiaries, local and state power and business structures, and other aid organisations. Participation of many entities and the specifics of the work of the foundation, which places entire settlements in places neglected and affected by natural disasters, makes the model developed by Coprodeli important for the advancement of the theory of development assistance policy.

Disinformation and propaganda are key aspects of Russia's war strategy as it uses the information environment to justify its actions in international politics, both domestically and abroad, and to coerce audiences into unwittingly supporting its actions. Russia, leading up to and throughout the conflict with Ukraine, brought the full scope of its propaganda apparatus to bear, leveraging overt and covert capabilities on both media and disinformation tools to justify the invasion and [attempt to] destroy international support for Ukraine. What kind of instruments, methods, and narratives has Russia used before and after its invasion of Ukraine? The spread of disinformation by the Russian Federation prior to and after the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 as well as the actions taken in response by Ukraine, allied governments, and civil and international organizations provide an important perspective as well as lessons on how to counteract disinformation and propagandistic narratives.

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie japońskiego soft power, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem kultury jako jednego z czynników soft power. Japońska dyplomacja kulturalna wykorzystująca kulturę popularną jest przykładem zręcznie prowadzonej polityki międzynarodowej. Promowanie pozytywnego wizerunku państwa poprzez soft power na arenie międzynarodowej wzmacnia ekonomiczne oraz polityczne znaczenie państwa. Artykuł skupia się na dwóch kwestiach: historii japońskiego soft power oraz jego praktycznemu zastosowaniu. W podsumowaniu sugeruje się, że japoński soft power nie będzie tak znaczący z racji wzrastającego potencjału Chin.

The development of the information society has initiated the need for creating new instruments with the help of which the authorities can reach out to citizens. Therefore, cyberspace has recently become a place of activity of a number of entities including state and international organizations (together with the European Union). The result of this phenomenon is the creation of the so-called digital diplomacy as new quality in the so-called diplomacy of the EU. The EU diplomacy currently uses a number of e-tools, among others, Facebook, MySpace, Daily Motion, YouTube, etc. These tools are a very good method to improve and warm up the image of the Union in the international arena. This kind of diplomacy was only formed at the beginning of the twenty-first century and has a great prospect of development, thus, it is worth considering in which direction its evolution should follow. Digital diplomacy is a de facto response to the problem of the EU communication with the outside world and the growing number of Internet users.

My article aims at presenting the role of regions in the decision-making process of the European Union. After analyzing different channels used by regions to influence UE decisions, I try to put my conclusions in wider theoretical context. Although central governments arc still major and dominant players in the UE, they must more often compete with others actors, especially with sub- -national authorities. Growing activity of regions raises questions about relations between territoriality, sovereignty and state. Of help is the introduction of the post-westphalian national state. It is post-westphalian, because it does not have absolute control over its territory, it does not have monopoly over international politics (actually distinction between domestic and international is blurred) and it is more and more fragmented (possibility of tensions between central and subcentral authorities on European level). However, it is still national, because power is still legitimized in national terms. ; Anna Sałgut

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The article aims to present the stand of relationship between Germany and Poland in context of changes that took place in the EU Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy and New East Policy of Germany and Germany's Russia policy deeply infl uence threw aggressive Russian policy agents Ukraine and adders postsoviet countries. Author also analyses Poland's "resets" with Germany and Russia and interested in changing German-Russian relationship in the future. German see Russia as a partner due to its global role while Poles see it as a partner due to its geographic proximity and needs to stabilize the region. While Germans do not see Russia as a direct threat Poles understand why Ukraine, Belarus, and the Caucasus see it as a threat. Poland and Germany has consistently supported the strengthening of cooperation between member states within Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy of the European Union with an aim of making this international organization gain a status of the key player in the international politics in the future.

TTIP - the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is an agreement that carries a number of risks for the economy, the natural environment, consumer rights, labour rights and access to public services in the European Union. The mechanisms included in the agreement, concerning the settlement of disputes between states and foreign investors, pose a number of threats to democracy as well. The benefits that are supposed to result from the implementation of the agreement will primarily be reaped by large corporations involved in the transatlantic trade. Mostly the citizens and societies of the EU member states will be under threat from the agreement. The principle of mutual recognition of regulations, which is expected to be practically universally used in accordance with the agreement, will mean in practice lowering safeguards protecting the rights of citizens, workers and consumers in the European Union. The liberalization of trade within the TTIP will be a factor forcing increased competition also in relation to the Polish small and medium-sized enterprises, and as a result, putting also pressure to reduce wages and other costs, including those related to the need of complying with the norms or standards. Thus, there are far more threats than benefits of the agreement.

European Union and Indian Union signed the cooperation agreement in 1994 and a strategic partnership 10 years later. Europe was feeling safe and secure, which was well-described in 2003 in the European Security Strategy, so the approach to the relations with India stressed their economic aspects. In 2007, both sides have started negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement. They still have not concluded but in the meantime the world has changed dramatically. In the current international "disorder" both India and Europe are looking for new partners and vectors of influence, defending multilateralism and democratic values. The paper analyses 5 factors which severely influence these relations. They can bring both sides closer and make the strategic partnership stronger: Rise of China as a global power; Increase of American-Chinese competition and rivalry; Russia's coming back to the international game of power; Rise of India as a regional power and global player, the world largest democracy and a counterbalance to China; Brexit and internal dynamics in the EU. The text is based, among others, on research and discussions taken under umbrella of the India-EU Think Tank Twinning Initiative - the project implemented by 10 best European and Indian think tanks.

When analyzing the importance of Maghreb in Spain's foreign policy, attention should be paid to its geostrategic location, between Europe and Africa. This gives priority to southern Mediterranean countries. The historical experiences and socio-cultural pluralism (the clash of Christian and Muslim civilizations) are also important. The mutual economic relations deserve attention. Spain's relations with the Maghreb are often seen only through the prism of relations with Morocco. They can be described as so-called relación obcesiva. For decades, bilateral relations focused primarily on issues such as immigration, Spanish possessions in North Africa, and the issue of Western Sahara. The main goal for Spain was to stabilize not only Morocco but all of the Maghreb. The strategic importance of the region was due to its geographical proximity, economic and trade potential as well as cultural influences.