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Közép-Európa : biztonságpolitikai körkép : fókuszban a V4
Central Europe means different political, economic, cultural, geopolitical and a "regional security community" contents in relation to my topic. Nowadays, this region, the "Central Europe" region primarily means the V-4 cooperation and the very important role and initiatives of the region in the EU. The V-4 cooperation, which was established in 1991, can be conceived as an attempt at creating a special form, as a mechanism and sub-stance to the political dimension of this region. The four members of the special mechanism are trying to get closer to one another by relying on solidarity with each other. The V-4 cooperation is based on the common history of the participating countries and close similarities between their recent transformation processes. Such resemblances explain the V4 structure's success, including parallel navigation in the problems of European Union and NATO accession. In the absence of permanent institutions [except the International Visegrad Fund (IVF)], the dimension and ambitions of the V-4 cooperation depends on the political objective of the governments and direct security environment, which impacts on these countries.
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A Kolozsvár-tábla ügye
In: Erdélyi jogélet, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 71-82
ISSN: 2734-7095
The present case study points to the arguments of those lawsuits that lasted for years, which resulted multilingual town nameplates on the city limits of Cluj-Napoca, after decades of omissions. In addition to describing the related rules of both domestic and international law, the study not only explores the legal arguments developed on the basis of them but also points out the controversial points of the regulation and the omissions of the Cluj-Napoca municipality. It also presents the activities of civic initiatives and organizations that, in addition to legal conditions and mere statistics, demonstrate a real societal need for multicultural cooperation and peaceful coexistence.
A V4 országok nemzetközi segélyezési politikája a geopolitikai erőtérben
After the transformation to democracy and market economy the Visegrad Four (V4) countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) have rejoined the group of donors providing international development assistance to poor emerging countries. The aim of the paper is to help to better understand the foreign aid policy and practice of the V4 countries and their contribution to the development of the poor emerging countries by providing foreign aid for them. The main research questions focus on the following issues: What is the history and the major motif of the V4 countries for providing foreign aid? Which are the most preferred beneficiary countries and why? How much foreign aid and in what area is provided? How does it relate to other international donors? What does it mean to the recipient countries? Are there similarities or differences between the V4 countries in this respect? What are the major features distinguishing V4 donors from others? What kind of challenges and opportunities can arise? The hypotheses of the research to be tested are as follows: 1. Providing foreign aid by the V4 countries has its roots in the past regime which still has an influence on the present practice. 2. The V4 countries represent a special model for development cooperation with the aid recipient countries. 3. The major motif of the V4 countries for providing foreign aid was to support the geopolitical interest of the ex "Soviet Block", while after the change of the regime the aspiration of the V4 countries shifted towards gaining economic benefits from the cooperation with the aid recipient countries. The method of the research is literature review related to development theory and foreign aid as well as statistical analysis based on data on Official Development Assistance (ODA). Results prove the hypotheses.
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How Britain's and Colombia's Privileged Partnerships with the United States Influenced Their Respective Journeys through the European Community and UNASUR
This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.
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Rodrigo Duterte "független" külpolitikája – az amerikai-filippínó szövetség geostratégiai kihívásai a 21. században
During the Cold War, the Philippines was an indispensable US ally, and this was still basically the case at the turn of the 21st century. However, the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte in June 2016 heralded great changes for the international position of the Philippines: a shift towards China and Russia occurred, followed by the emergence of a more balanced foreign policy. The partnership with the US has changed, too: during the Obama administration, the relationship between the two countries became cooler, although the foundations of the alliance were never contested. In the wake of Donald Trump's assumption of office in January 2017, the alliance seems to have become as strong as before, and economic as well as security-military cooperation has continued. The author's aim is to analyze the Philippines' position in the US-led world order from 1945 to the present, as well as the foundations of the United States–Philippines special relationship. After that the main components of Duterte's "independent" foreign policy and the fundamental changes in the Philippines' foreign relations are presented. The analysis focuses on the causes of the conflict at the end of Barack Obama's presidency, followed by the improving partnership during the Trump era and the main geopolitical challenges the alliance has had to face. According to its conclusion the US–Philippines security cooperation will remain strong under Presidents Duterte and Trump due to strategic considerations, which indicate the military alliance is in the interests of both nations.
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A régiók jelentősége a mai európai politikai életben : THE SIGNIFICANCE OF REGIONS IN TODAY'S EUROPEAN POLITICAL LIFE
A régiók nem csak a közelmúltban jelentek meg az európai politika színpadán, mint önálló szereplők, tevékenységüket már évtizedek óta jegyzik. Ennek középpontjában mindenekelőtt a régiók határokon átnyúló együttműködése áll, ezt egészítették ki a régiók transznacionális megállapodásaival, amelyek arra szolgáltak, hogy a nemzetállamok kormányaival valamint a nemzetközi szervezetekkel, különösképpen az Európa Tanáccsal és az Európai Közösséggel szemben érdekképviseletüket gyakorolják. Az utóbbi időben a régiók egyre energikusabban és követelőbben hívták fel magukra a figyelmet. Tevékenységük súlypontja jelenleg nyilvánvalóan az EU és az integrációs folyamatokon belül helyezkedik el. A régiók mint az EU-kontextus politikai tényezői igen sokrétű tevékenységet mutatnak fel, amelyek az "Európa régiói" megjelölésben foglalhatók össze. Az elnevezésből, mint sokszor használatos szlogenből azonban hiányzik egy egyértelmű és ugyanakkor közös megegyezéssel alapuló, elfogadott tartalom. Regions appeared as autonomous entities on the European political stage not only in recent years. The activity of regions has been recorded for decades. It focuses above all on the cross-border cooperation of regions, and was supplemented by the trans-national agreements of regions, which served to practice their representation against the governments of nation states as well as international organisations, in particular, the European Council and the European Community. Most recently, regions have drawn attention to their presence more and more and when doing so have found increasing attention. Their centre of activity is now obviously located within the EU and the integration processes. Regions as the political factors of the EU context show a wide range of activities that can be summarized under the label of 'the regions of Europe'. The name, as a frequently used slogan, is lacking a clear and at the same time jointly agreed, accepted content. Regions and regionalism are rather flourishing in Europe. But what do regionalism and the expression Europe of regions exactly mean? There are many approaches to the question, the concept of cross-border interregionality between the Member States of the European Union, or the effort to make regions the basic building blocks of European integration instead of states, and the objective to introduce a three-tier structure to the European Union which would extend the already existing tiers of the European Union and the Member States with a third one, the territorial units within nation states. The first approach has long been adopted, the second approach is rather utopian. The third one is subject to fierce debates: a three-tier European Union with European, nation state and regional levels.
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Development of Aquaculture in Laos with Hungarian Assistance ; Akvakultúra fejlesztés Laoszban magyar részvétellel
Food security for the world's growing population is one of the biggest challenges of the future due to resource constraints and global climate change. Fish and other aquatic foods can play a prominent role in the food supply, especially as the ecological footprint of aquaculture is smaller than that of other food production systems. Although the production of marine aquaculture shows an increasing trend, freshwater aquaculture remains dominant in world aquaculture production, especially in developing countries. The resilience of developing countries to the future challenges in food production is very low, so many international projects are trying to improve the situation. Laos is one of the least developed countries of the world, where aquaculture plays an important role in fish supply and employment. In Laos, several international projects are addressed to develop the agricultural economy and food supply, but Hungary is one of the largest donors in this field, given the traditional agricultural relations and strategic cooperation between the two countries. Although the abundance of aquatic resources provides a good opportunity for the development of fisheries and aquaculture in Laos, the growth of the fishery sector is hampered by several factors. These include the lack of good quality stocking material and fish feed, the underdeveloped infrastructure and institutional system, funding problems and weak human resources. The main purpose of the tied aid loans provided by the Hungarian government to Laos is to improve food safety and food security. The development of the fish value chain plays an important role in these programs, which can be considered as a good example even on international level. Hungarian projects also help Hungarian institutions and small and medium-sized enterprises to strengthen their presence in Southeast Asia, that is a region of the world where economy is developing in a dynamic way. ; A világ növekvő népességének élelmiszerellátása a jövő egyik nagy kihívása tekintettel az erőforrások szűkösségére és a globális klímaváltozásra. A hal és más vízi élelmiszerek kiemelkedő szerepet játszhatnak az élelmiszerellátásban különös tekintettel arra, hogy az akvakultúra ökológiai lábnyoma lényegesen kisebb, mint más élelmiszertermelő rendszereké. Bár a tengeri akvakultúra termelése növekvő tendenciát mutat, a világ akvakultúra termelésében meghatározó marad az édesvízi élőlények termelése, különösen a fejlődő országokban. A világ szegényebb országai élelmiszertermelésének a jövőbeni kihívásokkal szembeni ellenállóképessége igen gyenge, ezért számos nemzetközi projekt próbál a helyzeten javítani. A világ legfejletlenebb országai közé tartozik Laosz, ahol az akvakultúrának fontos szerepe van a halellátásban és a foglalkoztatásban. Laoszban több nemzetközi projekt segíti az agrárgazdaság és az élelmiszerellátás fejlesztését, azonban Magyarország az egyik legnagyobb donor e területen, tekintettel a két ország közötti hagyományos agrár kapcsolatokra és a stratégiai együttműködésre. Laoszban a gazdag vízi erőforrások jó lehetőséget biztosítanak a halászat és az akvakultúra fejlesztésére, azonban a lehetőségek kihasználását számos tényező nehezíti. Olyanok, mint például a minőségi ivadék- és takarmányellátás hiánya, a fejletlen infrastruktúra és intézményrendszer, a finanszírozási problémák, illetve a képzett munkaerő hiánya. A magyar kormány által Laosz számára biztosított kötött segélyhitelek kiemelt célja az élelmiszerbiztonság és az élelmiszerellátás biztonságának javítása. E programokban a hal értéklánc fejlesztésének fontos szerepe van, amely nemzetközileg is példaértékű. A magyar projektek segítik azt is, hogy magyar intézmények, illetve kis- és közepes vállalkozások erősíthetik jelenlétüket Délkelet Ázsiában, amelyik a világ egy gazdaságilag dinamikusan fejlődő régiója.
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