This article is a case study that presents the international cooperation of one of the 66 Polish cities with the district status - Płock, a city of average size in this category of Polish local self-governments, which, however, is not average in terms of its historical traditions. For several decades it was the capital of Poland and the historical capital of one of its regions, Mazovia. Today, it is a medium-sized city, which is very active in the international arena. For its international cooperation it has been awarded many Council of Europe awards: the European Diploma, the Flag of Honour and the Plaque of Honour. This article presents the activities undertaken by the Płock authorities which led to the awarding of these distinctions.
This article is a case study that presents the international cooperation of one of the 66 Polish cities with the district status – Płock, a city of average size in this category of Polish local self-governments, which, however, is not average in terms of its historical traditions. For several decades it was the capital of Poland and the historical capital of one of its regions, Mazovia. Today, it is a medium-sized city, which is very active in theinternational arena. For its international cooperation it has been awarded many Council of Europe awards: the European Diploma, the Flag of Honour and the Plaque of Honour. This article presents the activities undertaken by the Płock authorities which led to the awarding of these distinctions. ; Artykuł ten stanowi studium przypadku i przedstawia współpracę międzynarodową jednego z 66 polskich miast na prawach powiatu – Płocka, miasta przeciętnej wielkości w tej kategorii polskich samorządów terytorialnych, które jednak nie jest przeciętne pod względem tradycji historycznych. Było ono przez kilkadziesiąt lat stolicą Polski i historyczną stolicą jednej z jej dzielnic – Mazowsza. Dzisiaj jest miastem średniej wielkości, które bardzo aktywnie działa na arenie międzynarodowej. Za współpracę międzynarodową zostało wyróżnione wieloma nagrodami Rady Europy: Dyplomem Europejskim, Flagą Honorową i Tablicą Honorową. Artykuł przedstawia działalność Płocka, która doprowadziła do otrzymania tych wyróżnień.
Celem artykułu jest pokazanie, jaką rolę w kształceniu w szkołach wyższych odgrywają programy współpracy międzynarodowej. Opis programów oraz ich zakresu działań ma zobrazować, jakie jest ich znaczenie dla edukacji. Szeroki wachlarz zadań oparty jest przede wszystkim na transferze studentów oraz pracowników w całej Unii Europejskiej i poza nią. Przynosi to korzyści na wielu płaszczyznach, przede wszystkim umożliwia zdobywanie i przekazywanie doświadczeń naukowych. Ponadto sprzyja wspólnemu opracowywaniu programów naukowych, ujednolicaniu systemu zaliczania przedmiotów, wzajemnemu uznawaniu dyplomów i punktów zaliczających okres studiów odbytych za granicą. Programy współpracy międzynarodowej zapewniają spójne i ambitne postawy ponadnarodowego wspierania działań na rzecz nauki. ; The article is aimed at showing what is role of the programs of international cooperation in educating at Universities. The description of programs and their range of activities is supposed to depict what their meanings is for the education. A wide range of tasks is leaned above all against the transfer of students and employees in the entire European Union, but also outside it. It is benefitting on many plains, above all this enables to get and to broadcast scientific experience. Moreover it is supporting shared drawing up scientific programs, for standardizing ranking objects, for mutual recognition of diplomas and of points ranking the study period undergone abroad. Programs of the international cooperation guarantee consistent and ambitious attitudes of the supranational support for measures for the learning.
The aim of the paper is the analysis of the relationship between the perception of the success factors in international collaborative relationships and firm's international experience. The results of an empirical study on the sample of 278 Polish exporters and importers cooperating with partners from China and Germany are presented and both the differences in success factor perception depending on foreign partners' home country, and the correlation of the perception of the success factors with the international experience of the firms are discussed. The study revealed that the firms working with partners in China have somewhat more international experience. The importance of the majority of the success factors in relationships with German partners did not differ significantly from those in collaboration with Chinese firms. However, some consequential differences were observed. Internationalization experience is not strongly related with the perception of international cooperation success factors.
The task of the article is a comparison of theoretical findings of the conception of the international economic cooperation of the CMEA member states with the premises of their economic policies in this scope and with the previous course of integrational processes in the CMEA group. In the first part of the study, three basic theoretical concepts of economic cooperation are presented which can be related to differing views of economists on the part played by planning and international market in the socialist economy. In the second part of the study a system of the international economic cooperation adopted in the premises of the economic policies of the CMEA member states is analyzed. The author's attention is focused mainly on those elements of the international cooperation system which are compromising opposing pursuits of the particular member states of securing themselves most favorable conditions for balancing necessary means with needs stated autonomously in the national plans of economic developement. The third part of the study is devoted to the analysis of features of functioning of the present system of international cooperation of the CMEA states. The actual distribution of competence and roles in the system of relations between various levels of domestic and international institutions and organizations are characterized. The scope of implementation of resolutions and recommendations of the CMEA on the developement of the international specialization and productional cooperation is evaluated. The excessive build up of the consulting and negociating activities almost on all the levels of economic organizations of the member states and of the CMEA organs is also indicated. The identification and analysis of structure of interdependence of economic interests in the sphere of realization of international economic cooperation in the CMEA are performed. Particularly, following groups of interests can be singled out: Party and government governing bodies, central economic administration, productional and trade enterprises, international organs of the CMEA. In the final remarks factors diminishing the ability to control a mechanism of the international cooperation are presented, this can well account for the lack of developement in real integrational ties and related organizational structures in the system of cooperation of the CMEA states. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The article studies cross-border cooperation of local self-governments as an instrument of local public policies. The article is based on an analysis of all identified cases of real cooperation projects of communes and poviats of Małopolska, Podkarpacie and the eastern part of Silesia from the period of 2004-2015. The research suggests that an intensive cross-border cooperation correlates with a strategic approach to international cooperation on the part of communes and those local governments that are able to use international projects to achieve their policy goals have more projects, versatile partners, and different areas of cooperation. Other local governments perceive international cooperation as beneficial but marginal to their core activities which presses them to focus on projects from the area of culture and to choose geographically close partners. Human and institutional resources seem to be crucial for the cross-border cooperation and, as a consequence, urban local governments are much more eager to cooperate than rural communes. ; Artykuł jest próbą spojrzenia na współpracę międzynarodową samorządów lokalnych jako na narzędzie realizacji lokalnych polityk publicznych. Analiza wszystkich zidentyfikowanych przypadków realnej współpracy gmin i powiatów Małopolski, Podkarpacia i wschodnich powiatów Śląska z okresu 2004-2015 dowodzi, że intensywną współpracę transgraniczną prowadzą te gminy, które potrafią używać projektów międzynarodowych strategicznie, jako narzędzia osiągania celów politycznych. Poza tą grupą samorządów postrzeganie współpracy międzynarodowej jako aktywności przynoszącej korzyści, ale całkowicie marginalnej w stosunku do codziennej pracy gmin i powiatów popycha w kierunku skupienia się na współpracy w dziedzinie kultury. Ograniczone zasoby własne samorządów powodują, że podstawowym kryterium atrakcyjności partnera jest bliskość geograficzna. Kluczowe znaczenie w prowadzeniu współpracy międzynarodowej mają zasoby instytucjonalne i kadrowe, co powoduje, że miasta dużo chętniej podejmują współpracę niż gminy wiejskie.
In the introduction the author underlines the importance and role of the foreign trade in the socialist economy. The rate of increase in the trade with abroad in CMEA countries ought to undergo a considerable acceleration and surpass the rate of increase of the national income and industrial production. In the course of the last years the socialist countries have done and still do big efforts aiming at extension and deepening of the profits of economical relations with highly developed West European countries. These efforts were expressed in active cooperation in bilateral talks that were to lead to liberalization of export to CMEA and EFTA countries, to the membership of GATT reacted by some of the socialist countries and in finished negotiations under the name of Kennedy Round. In that way we theoretically reached the approach to western markets — that in general depends on the quality of exported goods, their attractive price, short terms of delivery and profitable sale conditions for foreign contractive parties — this fact however does not solve the problem. Liberalization of import to CMEA and EFTA countries secures the approach to the west markets only in formal and legal terms. But there exists still another aspect of the problem. These markets got under control of the state and international concerns. The introduction of a new competitor is very difficult in that situation. A solution could be found in creating such a situation in which our presence on the West markets would be not only a competition but simultaneously a form of cooperation, profitable for our partners. Cooperation in the international scale would be the required form. Further on, the author discussed in the article three forms of cooperation: licence agreements in the branch of building and exporting machines, gadgets and agreements for cooperation with West enterprises in the aim of supplying on the markets of the third world. The author dealt as well with forms of scientific and technical cooperation and discussed profits of cooperation for both sides. Finishing the article the author put forward the thesis that cooperation helps to enliven the economical relations between East and West. Of course only under the condition that it will be only economical form of international cooperation with no political strings. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
This article examines the reasons for adopting a non‑institutional character of the Visegrad cooperation in the years 1991‑1992. Its focus concerns two causes of the initial reluctance to institutionalise the Visegrad Group: the high level of unpredictability in Central Europe after the collapse of Communism and the symbolic role the Group was expected to play outside the region. These issues are considered through the prism of two theories in International Relations: neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism. Both provide theoreti‑ cal grounds to support the research hypothesis which assumes that the infor‑ mal character of the Visegrad cooperation was a pragmatic choice of its found‑ ing members. However, neorealist and neoliberal explanations of how the political background and security issues could have influenced their decision vary. The article concludes that the neorealist approach holds more explana‑ tory power in this regard, suggesting that the choice of the Visegrad states was dictated by the preservation of their national interests and subjected to ex‑ ternal limitations, rather than motivated by a common intention to facilitate their regional cooperation. ; Arkadiusz Nyzio
The CSCE Final Act, signed in Helsinki in 1975, opened a new chapter in the search for the optimal security system in the Euro-Atlantic area, stretching from Vancouver to Vladivostok. It established a cooperative security system introducing a supra-bloc negotiation mechanism of political and economic cooperation, as well cooperation in such humanitarian fields as culture, education, exchange of information and interpersonal contacts. After the Cold War, CSCE organs were created and equipped with new competences in the field of preventive diplomacy and conflict resolution, but the evolution of the international order in Europe meant that, contrary to the original intention of the CSCE (renamed at the beginning of 1995 as the OSCE), it has not become the central institution of European security. As a result of the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the European Union, the principle of equal security for all participating states was abandoned. The OSCE remained a secondary institution specialising in what is called the soft aspects of security. The Ukrainian crisis, which broke out in the autumn of 2013, accompanied by other challenges and threats to security originating in other regions showed the need to revitalise the OSCE and create a Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian security community. ; The CSCE Final Act, signed in Helsinki in 1975, opened a new chapter in the search for the optimal security system in the Euro-Atlantic area, stretching from Vancouver to Vladivostok. It established a cooperative security system introducing a supra-bloc negotiation mechanism of political and economic cooperation, as well cooperation in such humanitarian fields as culture, education, exchange of information and interpersonal contacts. After the Cold War, CSCE organs were created and equipped with new competences in the field of preventive diplomacy and conflict resolution, but the evolution of the international order in Europe meant that, contrary to the original intention of the CSCE (renamed at the beginning of 1995 as the OSCE), it has not become the central institution of European security. As a result of the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the European Union, the principle of equal security for all participating states was abandoned. The OSCE remained a secondary institution specialising in what is called the soft aspects of security. The Ukrainian crisis, which broke out in the autumn of 2013, accompanied by other challenges and threats to security originating in other regions showed the need to revitalise the OSCE and create a Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian security community.
Prison service in view of total character and place of executable task is enforced affirmation of safety on purpose for with other discretional groups for optimization of operation society having cooperation. Operations related with assuring safety and there must be fitted cooperation affect for potential sources of threats new threats systematically appearing forcefully.
