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This article identifies a number of international initiatives that have contributed to, reflect, or facilitate global higher education mobility. The article begins by presenting statistics about global higher education mobility. The sections that follow address a number of "hard law" and "soft law" international initiatives that promote such mobility. The initiatives discussed in the article include, inter alia, European Union initiatives, the Bologna Process which led to the creation of the European Higher Education Area, and higher education initiatives of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the World Trade Organization, the United Nations, and the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The paper concludes with some observations about these developments. The goals of the article are twofold: 1) to give the reader a sense of the breadth, depth, and influence of international initiatives regarding higher education; and 2) to motivate the reader to learn more about these initiatives.

Global environmental standards and performance-based environmental protection have the potential to create efficient corporations, reduce pollution, and protect public interest. The Handbook of Globalization and the Environment examines the local, national, and international impacts of globalization as well as the emerging solutions that support healthy economic growth and environmental protection. This handbook presents global environmental issues and politics, examines environmental management and accountability, and explores global environmental organizations and institutions. It also addre

In spite of the Soviet Union's spectacular implosion, the newborn Russian Federation was -- theoretically -- still a major military power, however, the largest former Soviet nation needed extensive cooperation from its counterparts to maintain strength. The "lone wolf" approach to Moscow led security cooperation has gone through a sea change in the evolution of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) which has ironically been strengthened by recent American diplomacy & military operations. At a time when Russia displays a renewed interest in regional hegemony, US policies in Iraq & Afghanistan encourage ex-Soviet nations to cooperate with Russia on security policy on the basis of fear of American power. Russia's dislike of the post 9/11 direct American & NATO antiterrorism involvement in Russia's historical sphere of influence & the American invasion of Iraq firmly cemented CSTO relation. The cumulative effect of terrorism & extremism, perceived NATO interference, fear of America, & belief Russia as an effective counterbalance has transformed the CSTO into an alliance with real teeth. The dilemma for the US is that, while the continuance of the vigorous foreign policy of rights or arms control may galvanize the CSTO, disengagement may have the same effect by create in the absence of a potent alternative that will reinforce Russia's perceived role as the regional arbiter & defender. References. J. Harwell

Offers some concluding remarks on Japanese-EU relations since the 1991 Joint Declaration committed both sides to political dialogue & cooperation & in the context of any prospective global impact such a relationship might foster. It is argued that for the relationship to have global relevance, the partners must have global ambitions, their respective internal structures must make credible any global projection of power, & they need to be certain of their commitment to such a direction even if it is counter to US interests. These conditions remain unfulfilled in some policy areas, making for a sometimes ambiguous relationship. Attention turns to development of the relationship in terms of the clear definition of EU power, particularly in trade policy & competition. The future of the EU-Japanese relationship is then considered in light of the new areas of the euro, justice & home affairs, & security, wherein the EU is expected to assume a higher international profile. It is concluded that the EU & Japan must engage in the kind of internal reform that makes them indispensable, rather than merely desirable, partners. The importance of the US presence to Asian-Pacific security is noted, & implications of the tension between this balance of power regime & the pursuit of regional multilateral institutions are briefly considered. In this light, four lines of conduct that the EU must pursue for the future are listed. J. Zendejas

The external dimension of European Union (EU) border management cooperation has recently been developed, in particular through the promotion of integrated border management (IBM). The European Commission has been keen to foster IBM, an attempt to reach EU standards in the absence of an EU common border service. Integrated border management is regulated under the Treaty of Lisbon, and the Stockholm Programme calls for its further development. This article analyses and compares the policy instruments promoting IBM standards beyond EU borders, namely the European Agency for Operational Cooperation at the External Border of the Member States of the EU (FRONTEX) (with the signature of Working Arrangements with the border services of third countries) and the activity of the EU Border Assistance Mission to the Republic of Moldova and to Ukraine (EUBAM) at the Ukrainian-Moldovan border. Moreover, it provides an empirical account of IBM activity carried out in the Eastern Partnership and Russia, and explains the reasons underlying the lack of IBM promotion in the southern Mediterranean countries. Adapted from the source document.

Global warming is indeed a difficult international environmental problem to address: it has tragedy of the commons characteristics, and problems of time horizons and uncertainty. But previous efforts at international cooperation on other environmental issues such as ozone depletion suggest that international cooperation should be possible–though difficult–on climate change. Cooperation on issues that involve long time horizons suggests that the present generation is not calculating utility quite so narrowly as game theorists posit. Experience also suggests that successful cooperation on climate change will start with measures so small as to seem inconsequential, but will set in place an institutional and scientific process that will ultimately result in much more significant cooperative efforts. Rather than representing a tragedy, the Kyoto Protocol (or something much like it) could represent the beginnings of a process in which current generations take the first steps at collective action that dramatically improve the lives of future generations. Those who are concerned about the weakness of the Kyoto Protocol should first focus on persuading the United States to join-since this is the best way to let the process work and avoid a tragedy of the commons.

Space science and technology (S & T) holds great potential for international scientific cooperation in the Arctic, especially concerning climate change. Space-based earth observation, navigation/positioning and communication is of great value to Arctic local and indigenous communities. Space-based S & T is also a prerequisite for development of Arctic shipping and natural resources. At the same time, space S & T in the Arctic holds dynamics, which may undermine Arctic and international stability and security. The Arctic houses key infrastructure for nuclear strategic stability, weapon systems, early warning, and ballistic missile defense. Arctic high latitudes provide significant advantages to space S & T with the potential for dual use. Space, which now underpins all societies, may become militarized. Strategic stability safeguards humanity. During the Cold War, there was an effective decision-making process mediated by game theory and modelling. However, new technologies, a far more complex multi-player, multi-nation environment and new space S & T reduce the effectiveness of traditional approaches. This research proposes to address the current intellectual vacuum by creating a clearer understanding of the parameters, players, technologies, and their interactions and develop a new and robust theoretical basis that will contribute in the longer term towards appropriate and balanced Arctic governance for achieving strategic stability and space security. This research will test the hypothesis that Arctic space S & T destabilizes strategic stability and space security. New theory, empirical overview, and modelling will provide a new intellectual basis for governance of Arctic space S & T for strategic stability and space security in the new era.