Suchergebnisse

Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen. ; The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars.

The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars. ; Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen.

The article analyses the current, post-crisis case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in cases concerning the so-called Dublin Regulation, i.e. Regulation 604/2013, which establishes the criteria and mechanisms for determining the Member State responsible for examining an application for international protection lodged in one of the Member States by a third-country national. The aim of the article is to analyze the standard of migration security in the area of Dublin cases. The key problem for the discussed issue was the judgment in the Jawo case, in which the Court of Justice examined the admissibility of Dublin transfers to the Italian Republic on the grounds that there was a risk of extreme material deprivation of the migrant. The Jawo case is a continuation of high-profile international court rulings in cases such as M.S.S., Tarakhel (ECtHR) and N.S. (CJEU), which decided to suspend transfers to Italy and Greece. Apart from the issues of protection against inhuman treatment, the jurisprudence of the CJEU also draws attention to the issues of legal security, effectiveness and accessibility of administrative procedures for third-country nationals seeking international protection in the EU. Finally, the standard of migration security in the Dublin area also includes the obligation to act in solidarity and mutual trust between the Member States, as set out in the judgments of the CJEU.

In 2012 and 2013 the European Court of Human Rights announced two verdicts, dealing with important cases in Ukraine. They both concerned the leading Ukrainian politicians, that is Yuliya Tymoshenko and Yuriy Lutsenko. Y. Tymoshenko is the leader of the Batkivshchyna political party and of Yulia Tymoshenko's Bloc. From 18 December 2007 to 3 March 2010, she held the position of Prime Minister of Ukraine. Y. Lutsenko, during the period from 18 December 2007 to 29 January 2010 was Minister of the Interior and the leader of the opposition party Narodna Samooborona. They were accused of abuse of power during their terms in office. The circumstances of the two cases are similar. Both applicants argued that their arrest and detention had been politically motivated and unlawful. In light of the cooperation between Ukraine and the EU, as well as the advancement as a democratic state, these judgements are very important. Significantly, the local and international observers concluded that their conviction was an element of political play. The Court ruled that the Ukrainian authorities violated the article 5 of the European Convention of Human Rights.

The article aims to show the issue of educational travels of noble youth in the modern era. The source is the correspondence of Jakub Dunin from his journeys around Europe in 1699–1703, addressed to father Franciszek Świętosław. The mentioned letters (stored in the National Archives in Krakow in the Tomkowicz Archive from Kobiernice) provide important information referring to the reasons for travelling, travel expenses and the companions. Particularly noteworthy are colorful descriptions of the social life lived in European manors. For example, the author visited Versailles of Louis XIV and provided a detailed description of various ceremonies and court entertainment. Foreign journeys posed an opportunity to learn about foreign cultures, political systems or armies. This encouraged nobility sons' reflections which they shared with relatives back in Poland. As a result, the travel correspondence abounds in individual interpretations, for example, of the then political developments on the international arena. When confronted with facts, they add extra value to the publication. ; The article aims to show the issue of educational travels of noble youth in the modern era. The source is the correspondence of Jakub Dunin from his journeys around Europe in 1699–1703, addressed to father Franciszek Świętosław. The mentioned letters (stored in the National Archives in Krakow in the Tomkowicz Archive from Kobiernice) provide important information referring to the reasons for travelling, travel expenses and the companions. Particularly noteworthy are colorful descriptions of the social life lived in European manors. For example, the author visited Versailles of Louis XIV and provided a detailed description of various ceremonies and court entertainment. Foreign journeys posed an opportunity to learn about foreign cultures, political systems or armies. This encouraged nobility sons' reflections which they shared with relatives back in Poland. As a result, the travel correspondence abounds in individual interpretations, for example, of the then political developments on the international arena. When confronted with facts, they add extra value to the publication.

Spór o granicę austriacko-węgierską przy Morskim Oko był po rozbiorowym rabunku (1772 r.) kontynuacją ciągnącego się od XVI w. konfliktu granicznego między Królestwem Polskim a Węgrami. Próby ugodowego ustalenia granicy nie przyniosły przez niemal cały XIX w. efektu. W 1879 r. majątek graniczny po stronie węgierskiej (Jaworzyna) kupił pruski książę Chrystian Hohenlohe i podjął działania w celu zajęcia spornego terytorium. Jednak gdy hrabia Władysław Zamoyski w 1889 r. kupił w Galicji dobra (Zakopane) położone z drugiej strony spornego obszaru, zdecydowanie przeciwstawił się roszczeniom pruskiego magnata. Konflikt o własność prywatną (konflikt prawa cywilnego) eskalował w postaci sąsiedzkich gwałtów i trafiał przed sądy, jednak ich orzeczenia, bez ustalenia przynależności politycznej (państwowej) spornego terytorium, nie mogły wiązać zwaśnionych stron. Wobec zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa i spokoju na granicy austriacko-węgierskiej (doszło nawet do grożenia przez żandarmów węgierskich urzędnikom sądowym Galicji bronią palną) rządy w Wiedniu i Budapeszcie doszły do porozumienia, ustalając poufnie linię podziału. Ponieważ uznano, że publiczne ujawnienie rządowego kompromisu, wiążące się z przyznaniem do wzajemnych ustępstw obu stron, zostanie wykorzystane w walce politycznej zarówno w Austrii, jak i na Węgrzech, postanowiono zrzucić odpowiedzialność za kompromis na międzynarodowy sąd polubowny. W artykule autor przedstawia rozwiązania oraz instrumenty polityczne i prawne, do których sięgnęły władze obu państw, by zapewnić taki wyrok sądu rozjemczego, który realizowałby wcześniej przyjęte międzyrządowe porozumienie, a równocześnie przenosiłby na trybunał odium za dokonane ustępstwa. ; The dispute over the Austro-Hungarian border at Morskie Oko was, after the predatory partition of Poland in 1772, a continuation of a border conflict between the Kingdom of Poland and Hungary which started in the 16th century. The attempts to amicably delineate the border did not yield any results for the majority of the 19th century. In 1879, Christian Hohenlohe, a Prussian Prince, bought a border estate situated on the Hungarian side (a village called Jaworzyna) and he subsequently took steps with a view to seize the disputed territory. However, Count Władysław Zamoyski purchased lands in Galicia (Zakopane), located on the other side of the border, in 1889 and then he firmly resisted the claims of the Prussian magnate. The conflict concerning private property (a civil law conflict) continued to escalate and resulted in violence in the area and ended up in courts afterwards. However, without determining the political (state) affiliation of the disputed territory, no decisions made by the courts could be binding for the feuding parties. In the face of danger to safety and peace at the Austro-Hungarian border (there were even threats aimed at Galician court clerks with the use of firearms by Hungarian gendarmes), the governments in Vienna and Budapest came to a covert agreement and delineated a demarcation line. It was deemed that public disclosure of the compromise as well as of the concessions made by both parties would be used in political conflicts in both countries. As a consequence, it was decided that the blame should be put on the international arbitral tribunal. The paper presents solutions as well as the legal and political instruments used by both governments in order to secure such a court decision which would implement the international agreement they had previously reached and, at the same time, it would allow to lay the blame for the concessions on the tribunal.

The aim of the paper is to analyze the endeavors undertaken by the authorities of independent Lithuania to deal with the crimes committed by the Soviet Union against Lithuanian society, in particular against representatives of the anti-Soviet resistance movement, by using the notion of crime of genocide rooted in international law. The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Drelingas v. Lithuania of 12 March 2019, which approved the legality of the qualification of "ethno-national-political" genocide of "forest brethren" committed by the Soviet occupation authorities, was one of the key elements confirming the Lithuanian policy in this regard. This ruling reopens the discussion on the possibility of trying the crimes of the Soviet Union, at the same time raising certain legal and political doubts – as generally expressed by the Russian Federation.

Polska należała do pierwotnych członków Ligi Narodów, która rozpoczęła działalność sto lat temu – w 1920 r. Podstawę prawną funkcjonowania organizacji stanowił Pakt Ligi Narodów, włączony do traktatów pokojowych, zawartych po I wojnie światowej. Członkostwo w organizacji miało duże znaczenie dla odro­dzonego państwa polskiego, które kształtowało swoje stosunki w społeczności międzynarodowej. Polska była pierwszym państwem, które ustanowiło przy Lidze swojego stałego delegata. Polscy przedstawiciele uczestniczyli w pracach głównych organów Ligi: Zgromadzeniu i Radzie. Polska starała się o uzyskanie stałego miejsca w Radzie, natomiast była w niej członkiem półstałym. Była też państwem, które często uczestniczyło w postępowaniach przed Stałym Trybuna­łem Sprawiedliwości Międzynarodowej. W latach 30. XX w. w kręgach polskiej dyplomacji wzrastało rozczarowanie działalnością Ligi Narodów spowodowa­ne jej nieskutecznością w zakresie zapobiegania konfliktom międzynarodowym i rozwiązywania sporów międzynarodowych. ; Poland belonged to the original members of the League of Nations, organization that began its activity a hundred years ago – in 1920. The legal basis for the organization's functioning was the Covenant of the League of Nations, incorporated into peace treaties concluded after the First World War. To a recently reborn Polish state aspiring to shape its relations in the international community, the membership in this organization was of great importance. Poland was the first state to establish the permanent delegation to the League of Nations. Polish representatives participated in the works of the main League's bodies: the Assembly and the Council. Poland sought to obtain a permanent seat in the Council, while it was a semi-permanent member there. Poland was also a state that often participated in proceedings before the Permanent Court of International Justice. However, in the 1930s, due to organization's ineffectiveness in preventing the international conflicts and resolving international disputes, has grown ...

This work presents issues relating to a dramatic fragment of European history and a tumultuous period in the history of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the light of the accounts and assessments of papal nuncios residing at European courts. The author's primary aim was to answer the question: how did the Holy See dur-ing the first phase of the pontificate of Urban VIII assess the foreign policy of the Commonwealth and to what extent did it try to influence it? In his work, main direc-tions of Polish policy during this period and the papacy's attitude toward them were analyzed. The Roman Curia's stance on the Commonwealth's relations with neigh-bors, including Turkey, Moscow, and Sweden, was discussed. The papacy's stand on the issues relating to Poland's potential participation in the Thirty Years' War and on Vasa-Habsburg military plans was examined. Moreover, Rome's attitude toward issues which pertained to domestic policy, albeit they determined the position of the Polish-Lithuanian state in Europe of that time – the 1632 election and Władysław IV Vasa's marital plans – was presented. The above-mentioned issues were the subject of mutual diplomatic relations, which usually took the form of correspondence of nuncios to Poland and other European courts with the Holy See's Secretariat of State. This work is part of an important trend in Polish historical research in which for-eign source materials have been used to explore the history of the Commonwealth. The main source material for this study is the correspondence of apostolic nuncios gathered in Archivio Segreto Vaticano and Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana. The cor-respondence of papal nuncios to Poland between 1623 and 1635 – Giovanni Battista Lancellotti, Antonio Santacroce, Honoratio Visconti, and partially Mario Filonardi, as well as letters from Secretary of State Francesco Barberini to these nuncios are of particular importance to the topic of research. Moreover, telegrams from papal dip-lomats residing at the most important courts of modern Europe: in Vienna, Paris, and Madrid, concerning the international situation of the Commonwealth, are valuable supplementary material. Offering an insight into analyses and actions undertaken by papal diplomacy toward the Commonwealth, the book simultaneously shows the Polish-Lithuanian state as a significant part of European political reality.

Poland belonged to the original members of the League of Nations, organ­ization that began its activity a hundred years ago – in 1920. The legal basis for the organization's functioning was the Covenant of the League of Nations, in­corporated into peace treaties concluded after the First World War. To a recently reborn Polish state aspiring to shape its relations in the international community, the membership in this organization was of great importance. Poland was the first state to establish the permanent delegation to the League of Nations. Polish rep­resentatives participated in the works of the main League's bodies: the Assembly and the Council. Poland sought to obtain a permanent seat in the Council, while it was a semi-permanent member there. Poland was also a state that often partic­ipated in proceedings before the Permanent Court of International Justice. How­ever, in the 1930s, due to organization's ineffectiveness in preventing the interna­tional conflicts and resolving international disputes, has grown disappointment with the activities of the League of Nations among the Polish diplomacy. ; Polska należała do pierwotnych członków Ligi Narodów, która rozpoczęła działalność sto lat temu – w 1920 r. Podstawę prawną funkcjonowania organizacji stanowił Pakt Ligi Narodów, włączony do traktatów pokojowych, zawartych po I wojnie światowej. Członkostwo w organizacji miało duże znaczenie dla odro­dzonego państwa polskiego, które kształtowało swoje stosunki w społeczności międzynarodowej. Polska była pierwszym państwem, które ustanowiło przy Lidze swojego stałego delegata. Polscy przedstawiciele uczestniczyli w pracach głównych organów Ligi: Zgromadzeniu i Radzie. Polska starała się o uzyskanie stałego miejsca w Radzie, natomiast była w niej członkiem półstałym. Była też państwem, które często uczestniczyło w postępowaniach przed Stałym Trybuna­łem Sprawiedliwości Międzynarodowej. W latach 30. XX w. w kręgach polskiej dyplomacji wzrastało rozczarowanie działalnością Ligi Narodów spowodowa­ne jej nieskutecznością w zakresie zapobiegania konfliktom międzynarodowym i rozwiązywania sporów międzynarodowych.