Based on the positions of taking into account geoeconomic factors and processes of international economic integration, a conceptual model of attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) in the industry of the regions of Ukraine has been developed, which target is to ensure consistency of interests between a recipient region and foreign investors in investing. Goals. The goal of the article is to substantiate theoretical provisions and develop practical recommendations for improving conceptual model of attracting foreign direct investment in the industry of Ukrainian regions. Methods. Methodological basis of the article are fundamental provisions of economics, economic theory, the theory of foreign investment, as well as scientific results of leading domestic and foreign scientists and economists on foreign investment issues. Main results. A system of principles for the implementation of such model has been proposed, which includes general and specific principles, particular sectoral orientation, adaptability, complexity, efficiency, coherence and publicity. A system of coordinated goals and measures of regional investment policy within the conceptual model has been formed, which is structured in the following areas: creation of an effective system of FDI incentives in terms of technological modernization of industry, formation of attractive investment image of regional industries taking into account best international practice and setting up intensive and effective cooperation between local governments and FDI donor countries.
Recently, some leaders in different countries have promoted positions towards immigration and formal international economic integration that contest policy recommendations resting on predominant microeconomic and international economics theories. The cases of Brexit, the new presidency in the United States of America, and election processes in countries such as Germany and France have put forward topics showing distrust or, at least, great disappointment in free markets and open economies. Inequality in income distribution and social exclusion in developing and developed countries have triggered a protectionist discourse of some political or independent leaders seeking to gain political power. All this might represent a significant challenge for higher education institutions offering courses and doing research based on the principles of mainstream economics. Considering the previous context, using panel data for the period from 1985 to 2014, this paper analyses the impact of the degree of formal integration and migration on human development in 26 countries located in three continents and that are part of international integration instruments such as the World Trade Organisation, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the European Union. The analysis sheds light on what makes a difference in terms of human development and to what extent, contributing to inform the debate on the impact of countries' openness to international flows of goods, services and labour.
The classification of the scientific research approaches to the political and economic barriers aredescribed. The causal relationship between integration and political barriers are systematized. The paperdescribes theoretical study of the political and economic barriers' effects to the process of theinternational economic integration. The main principles of "the political and economic barriers tointegration" definition are systematized. The generalization of the approaches of the political andeconomic barriers definition by ukrainian and foreign scholars are carried out.Theoretical aspects of economic (trade) barriers devoted to the works of scholars such as A.Grebelnyk, D. Lukyanenko, Ruth F., R. Baldwin, A. Deardorfa, M. Stern, E. polymers and others.According to the theory of mercantilism state should export their products to the domestic market,but at least the amount of import. So we can say that in this case the government has to implement certaintrade barriers, prohibiting or restraining imports.In 1987 Lowrence was the first to use a model of monopolistic competition to predict the volume oftrade, and to use data for downsizing and trade flows to determine the country and industry thatsignificantly differ from the assumptions of the model. Lawrence concluded that Japan also has a verylow volumes of lower imports related to the existence of trade barriers.Key words: political barriers; trade barriers; international economic integration; monopolisticcompetition; non-tariff barriers; trade protection. ; Охарактеризовано класифікацію наукових підходів дослідження політико-економічних бар'єрів, систематизовано причинно-наслідкові зв'язки між інтеграцією та політичними бар'єрами, проведено теоретичне обгрунтування наслідків впливу політико-економічних бар'єрів на процес міжнародної економічної інтеграції. Систематизовано основні засади дослідження поняття «політико-економічні бар'єри інтеграції». Здійснено узагальнення підходів до обрахунку політико-економічних бар'єрів вітчизняними та зарубіжними вченими.Ключові слова: політичні бар'єри; торговельні бар'єри; міжнародна економічна інтеграція; монополістична конкуренція; нетарифні бар'єри; торговельний захист.
The paper deals with the essence of the concept of international economic integration, as one of the key aspects of the state's foreign economic activity. Attention is also paid to the peculiarities of the development of integration processes in Western Europe. In particular, the authors have determined that European integration is a complex and controversial socio-economic process of establishing close cooperation between European countries. It is also one of the manifestations of the trend of modern historical development, which sets the participating countries specific goals. ; У роботі розглянуто сутність поняття міжнародної економічної інтеграції, як однієї з ключових аспектів здійснення державою зовнішньоекономічної діяльності. Приділено також увагу особливостям розвитку інтеграційних процесів в Західній Європі. Зокрема авторами визначено, що європейська інтеграція є складним та суперечливим соціально-економічним процесом налагодження тісного співробітництва європейських держав. Вона також є одним із проявів тенденції сучасного історичного розвитку, що ставить перед країнами-учасницями конкретні цілі.
Thearticle analyses approaches of various schools,Russian and foreign economists to understanding of international economic integration. Eurasian integration projects are viewed as major driving forces of globalization. Current strategies of Eurasian regionalism and the role of Russia in this process is analyzed. Key tendencies and directions of integration in the global economy are examined. The article gives a detailed analysis of international economic unions and associations operating in the modern world. ; В статье анализируются подходы различных школ российских и зарубежных экономистов к пониманию международной экономической интеграции. Раскрываются евразийские интеграционные проекты как основные движущие силы мировой глобализации. Проводится анализ существующих стратегий евразийского регионализма и роль России в данном процессе. Рассматриваются основные тенденции и направления интеграционных образований в мировой экономике. В статье дан подробный анализ действующих в современном мире международных экономических союзов и объединений.
The opening of the Colombian economy, decided in 1990, was supposed to promote a new model of growth and development based on exports (and Foreign Direct Investment). This dissertation argues that the opening was not made in order to promote growth and development, and that these two phenomena did not live up to what was expected. This result is based on an International Political Economy approach: taking into account power relationships may give a better explanation of economic phenomena. The first chapter shows that the structural characteristics of the Colombian economy made its opening unable to generate growth and development. This assertion is based on the analysis of the lack of competitiveness and of the institutional flaws of the Colombian economy, as well as on the potential increase in the spatial inequalities of development resulting from the opening. The second chapter thus highlights that the opening aimed at achieving some objectives peculiar to the United States. These objectives are made of economic considerations (typically the access to foreign markets and to raw materials) as well as political ones (dealing with the threats caused by Marxist guerrilla groups within the framework of the American foreign policy). This second chapter explains a series of means at the disposal of the United States to obtain the opening. These means go from coercion (such as sanction threats) to legitimation (to give rise to a Colombian pro-opening government). The third chapter shows that the opening did not lead to an export-led growth. On the contrary, it led to an unstable growth regime. The latter is based on the foreign capital flows. The latter feed the purchase of real estate assets by credit. The housing sector is thus stimulated, which in turn stimulates other economic activities, within the framework of spill-over effects. However, when foreign capital flows lack, real-estate asset purchases are penalized, thus preventing the expansion of the housing sector and eventually of aggregate production itself ...
The opening of the Colombian economy, decided in 1990, was supposed to promote a new model of growth and development based on exports (and Foreign Direct Investment). This dissertation argues that the opening was not made in order to promote growth and development, and that these two phenomena did not live up to what was expected. This result is based on an International Political Economy approach: taking into account power relationships may give a better explanation of economic phenomena. The first chapter shows that the structural characteristics of the Colombian economy made its opening unable to generate growth and development. This assertion is based on the analysis of the lack of competitiveness and of the institutional flaws of the Colombian economy, as well as on the potential increase in the spatial inequalities of development resulting from the opening. The second chapter thus highlights that the opening aimed at achieving some objectives peculiar to the United States. These objectives are made of economic considerations (typically the access to foreign markets and to raw materials) as well as political ones (dealing with the threats caused by Marxist guerrilla groups within the framework of the American foreign policy). This second chapter explains a series of means at the disposal of the United States to obtain the opening. These means go from coercion (such as sanction threats) to legitimation (to give rise to a Colombian pro-opening government). The third chapter shows that the opening did not lead to an export-led growth. On the contrary, it led to an unstable growth regime. The latter is based on the foreign capital flows. The latter feed the purchase of real estate assets by credit. The housing sector is thus stimulated, which in turn stimulates other economic activities, within the framework of spill-over effects. However, when foreign capital flows lack, real-estate asset purchases are penalized, thus preventing the expansion of the housing sector and eventually of aggregate production itself (spill-over effects no longer work). However, given the power relationship exercised by the United States, the Colombian government had to purchase American military equipment massively, in order to fight against the Colombian guerrillas. By doing so, the economic policy could not stabilize the economy at that time. Besides, the subsequent intensification of the conflict increased the violence within the Colombian territory, thus leading to the migration of skilled workers and to the destruction of infrastructures. The recession had thus been exacerbated. This scenario occurred a few years after 1990, resulting in the worst economic crisis of the 20th century in Colombia with a -5 % recession in 1999. The fourth chapter questions the changes followed by the production and exchange structures because of the opening, to show that these changes did not really contribute to development. Colombia tends to neglect its historic international specialization in coffee and other cultures like wheat, rice, barley, sorghum or cotton, to privilege other cultures whose positive effects on development are lower. As regards the industries of extraction of raw materials (in particular hydrocarbons), they are oriented toward exportation but they promote few development. In addition, the Colombian productive system may lack of this type of input in the future. Finally, if the manufacturing industry was able to increase at the rate of the growth regime, it owes it to the protection still remaining with the differential treatment for developing countries in the World Trade Organization, and less to the export opportunities given by the opening. When this treatment will be eliminated or at least decreased, a whole part of the Colombian economy will be threatened. ; L'ouverture de l'économie colombienne, décidée en 1990, fut présentée comme un promoteur de croissance et développement sur la base des exportations (et des Investissements Directs Etrangers). Cette thèse soutient que l'ouverture n'a pas été décidée afin de favoriser la croissance et le développement et que ces deux phénomènes n'ont pas été à la hauteur de ce qui était anticipé. Ce résultat est fondé sur une analyse en termes d'Economie Politique Internationale : les relations de pouvoir peuvent être utiles pour répondre à des questions d'ordre économique. Le premier chapitre montre que les caractéristiques structurelles de l'économie colombienne rendaient son ouverture impropre à générer croissance et développement sur la base des exportations. Cette proposition s'appuie sur l'analyse de la compétitivité sectorielle et des carences institutionnelles de l'économie colombienne, ainsi que sur l'accroissement potentiel des inégalités spatiales de développement suite à l'ouverture. Le deuxième chapitre s'attache alors à mettre en évidence que l'ouverture répond à des objectifs propres aux Etats-Unis. Ces objectifs sont à dominante économique (typiquement la création des débouchés extérieurs et l'accès à des matières premières) ou politique (lutte contre les guérillas d'inspiration communiste dans le cadre de la politique étrangère américaine). Le deuxième chapitre expose une série des moyens à la disposition des Etats-Unis afin d'obtenir l'ouverture du gouvernement colombien de l'époque. Ces moyens vont de la coercition (par exemple la menace de sanction) à la légitimation (favoriser l'élection d'un gouvernement pro-ouverture). Le troisième chapitre montre que l'ouverture n'a pas instauré un régime de croissance fondé sur les exportations. Au contraire, elle a instauré un régime instable fondé sur une dynamique spéculative sur les actifs immobiliers à partir des flux de capitaux étrangers venant nourrir l'achat de ces actifs à crédit. Lorsque ces capitaux finissent tôt ou tard par manquer, de tels achats sont pénalisés et viennent interrompre la dynamique. Celle-ci ne peut plus tirer la croissance via des effets d'entrainement du secteur de la construction sur le reste de l'économie. Mais pris au piège de la relation de pouvoir exercée par les Etats-Unis, le gouvernement colombien n'a pas cherché à stabiliser la conjoncture. Il a dû privilégier les dépenses en équipement militaire américain pour lutter contre les guérillas colombiennes. L'intensification subséquente du conflit armé a accentué la violence au sein du territoire. Il en résulta la destruction d'infrastructures, ainsi qu'une migration de travailleurs qualifiés. La récession en a été d'autant plus accentuée. Ainsi l'ouverture débouche-t-elle sur la pire crise économique du XXème siècle en Colombie, avec une récession de -5% en 1999. Le quatrième chapitre enquête sur les changements des structures de production et d'échange suite à l'ouverture, pour ainsi montrer que ces changements n'ont que peu favorisé le développement. La Colombie tend à négliger sa spécialisation internationale historique dans le café et la plupart des cultures transitoires (blé, riz, orge, sorgo, coton, etc.) pour privilégier d'autres cultures dont les effets positifs sur le développement sont moindres. Bien que les hydrocarbures et d'autres matières brutes bénéficient d'un certain potentiel d'exportation, le développement des territoires où l'extraction a lieu reste faible. Se pose en outre un problème de soutenabilité de l'extraction. Enfin, si l'industrie manufacturière a pu croitre au rythme du régime de croissance, elle le doit à la protection dont elle bénéficie encore dans le cadre du traitement différentiel des pays en développement à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce et moins aux opportunités d'exportation données par l'ouverture. Le jour où ce traitement sera diminué voire supprimé, toute une partie de l'économie colombienne est menacée.
This paper examines three hypothesis concerning the relationship among economic integration, the nation-State and democracy. The first one, the "diminished democracy" hypothesis, claims that in an integrating world economy national policymakers are increasingly constrained in their ability to produce the public goods the voters demand. According to the second hypothesis —"transnational federalism"— this deficit should be corrected by transforming the present Union into a federal State. The third hypothesis —"transnational constitutionalism"— acknowledges that democracy cannot flourish above the national level since the peoples of the member States of the EU do not form a demos. ; Este trabajo examina tres hipótesis que se refieren a la relación entre integración económica, el Estado-nación y la democracia. En la primera, la hipótesis de la "democracia disminuida", el autor afirma que en un mundo de economía mundial integradora los encargados de dictar las políticas nacionales se ven crecientemente constreñidos en su capacidad para producir los bienes públicos que demandan los electores. De acuerdo a la segunda hipótesis, "federalismo transnacional", este déficit se corregiría transformando la actual Unión en un Estado federal. La tercera hipótesis, "constitucionalismo transnacional", admite que la democracia no puede florecer por encima del nivel nacional puesto que la gente de los Estados miembro de la UE no constituyen un pueblo.
Topics addressed, European economic integration, as well as with important phenomenon, which is facing Kosovo in recent years, since the post-war process. The process of international economic integration is one of the most important phenomena of the contemporary world economy. The trend of international economic integration is the reconstruction of the country devastated by war, is an undeniable necessity, the only reason to catch the trend of the world's economic development. Kosovo has a very favorable position, bridging the central Balkans with the possibility of Development extraordinarily large because the Europe could have connected in short way with two continents. The main goal: increasing economic cooperation, the creation of new strategies for accelerating the process, fulfilling the standards required in the EU, the extent of market economy, regulation of relations with neighbors, etc. Topics that will discuss is European economic integration, the way how to reach to where we want is a road with many challenges and barriers, with special emphasis will be elaborated the process of stable and association, agreements signed by Kosovo, always having as target strengths and weaknesses of these agreements in the economic aspect of the country. Republic of Kosovo, respectively, institutions and people, are fully committed to the European integration process with the intent to join the EU.
Economic integration is altering the role of the state and the concept of sovereignty in international law. Intensifying economic interdependence has rendered sovereignty almost meaningless for an isolated state. However, the transfer and pooling of sovereignty in a jointly designed and mutually acceptable legalistic international institution allows state interests to be both respected and represented at the international level. After addressing the European Union model for managing advanced economic integration, the paper examines the extent to which the legal and institutional attributes of the new World Trade Organization represents a move towards a more legalistic international trade order, entailing a transfer of sovereignty from the state to the international level.
In earlier efforts to explain international conflict and integration, the central focus was upon national attributes and decisionmaking as crucial to understanding the actions of states in war- and peacemaking. Recently, however, we have begun to critically reconsider these assumptions. In the face of their inability to fully account for the actions of states in international conflict and cooperation, we have sought out a more basic, disaggregated approach to these questions. We believe that the concept of leverage may serve as an important explanatory factor in theories of interstate relations. Here we offer some preliminary arguments concerning leverage and bargaining among domestic and international actors, fleshing out some of the possible relationships between economic and political behaviors and their effects on the war- and peacemaking activities of states in the international system.
The interaction between economic integration and environmental policy has become an important issue in the last few years. Despite the considerable scholarly attention this topic attracted, actual government responses in terms of environmental policy outputs remain largely untouched by both theoretical and empirical work. To fill this gap, we suggest a theory-based disaggregation of the compound variable economic integration for deriving more precise expectations on its differential impact on environmental policy arrangements. In doing so, we show that economic integration may indeed trigger the promulgation of more demanding environmental regulations. To illustrate our arguments empirically, we analyze the development of Turkish clean air policy between 1975 and 2005.
"The Pacific Trade and Development (PAFTAD) conference series has been at the forefront of analysing challenges facing the economies of East Asia and the Pacific since its first meeting in Tokyo in January 1968. The 38th PAFTAD conference met at a key time to consider international economic integration. Earlier in the year, the people of the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union and the United States elected Donald Trump as their next president on the back of an inward-looking 'America First' promise. Brexit and President Trump represent a growing, and worrying, trend towards protectionism in the North Atlantic countries that have led the process of globalisation since the end of the Second World War. The chapters in the volume describe the state of play in Asian economic integration but, more importantly, look forward to the region's future, and the role it might play in defending the global system that has underwritten its historic rise. Asia has the potential to stand as a bulwark against the dual threats of North Atlantic protectionism and slowing trade growth, but collective leadership will be needed regionally and difficult domestic reforms will be required in each country."
The French and Dutch refusal to ratify the European Constitution in 2005 and the collapse of many East German businesses post-reunification; are just some examples of the hurdles integrating nations face. Integration of nations affects many economic factors such as public good allocation, trade, production, labour, consumption and even macro-economic policy instruments. Therefore, it is important to understand what motivates integration. Few scholars have broached the subject of the integration of nations (see Goyal and Staal (2004)), where size asymmetry and historical dependence are considered. Starting with Alesina and Spolaore (2003)'s Size of Nations symmetric framework, we attempt to do this with a two nation (asymmetric in size) location model. The key findings are that size differentials and the constitutional design (the identity of the decision maker) matters. In this thesis, we consider the social planner (government) and voters. The social planner maximizes social welfare for his own nation. Voting outcomes become non-trivial as it depends on the number of alternatives and the voting system. We categorize integration into two main forms. Full Integration is when the two nations fully integrate to form a new one, only one capital remains. Federated Integration is where the nations integrate but retain some form of sovereignty; this is represented by the retention of both capitals. Size difference matters when two nations chose to integrate. As the size difference between the two nations increase it becomes harder for integration to occur; nations would integrate if there is no size difference. The identity of the decision maker will affect the threshold on size.
This paper studies some interesting implications of economic integration in the context of a neoclassical model of international trade, optimal public investment, and capital mobility. Due the endogeneity of the productive public capital stock, international capital mobility, while equalizing returns to capital, can lead to a divergence in the wages earned by labor. We also demonstrate that international capital mobility can set off an "infrastructure" investment boom. If the benefits of public capital spill over across national borders, governments in the Nash equilibrium spend the "1992" dividend on an excessive provision of public services, attempting to free ride on the public capital of their neighbors.
