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The main objective of the article is a critical evaluation of the concepts of economic security which are based on the assumptionof the state as a unit of analysis, how these concepts are analysed in scholarship and used to support applied measures of economic security policy. The article also aims at answering the question what is and ought to be the concept of economic security in current Lithuanian politics. The authors do not strive to solve an old and essential problem of social sciences – the methodological choice between individualistic and collectivistic analysis. The goal of the article is just to show the main contradictions in theoretical analysis and political practices between those two approaches when dealing with the problems of economic security. The article admits the wide spread usage of the holistic approach and the fact of policies being based on this approach. However, the use of these measures often causes negative consequences – not only weakening of economic security of individuals, but, in the long run, of states as supra-individual institutions. To expose those measures and inconsistencies is another goal of the article. On the one hand, this makes the analysis more normative, on the other hand, it provides more insights on the topic. The article discusses the concept of economic security, different levels and scope of its analysis. Two different approaches – holistic and individualistic – and their interrelations are presented in more detailed way. The main focus is on how these two different approaches understand and use the concept of threats, as well as the impact of collective measures of economic security and their impact on individuals.

The main objective of the article is a critical evaluation of the concepts of economic security which are based on the assumptionof the state as a unit of analysis, how these concepts are analysed in scholarship and used to support applied measures of economic security policy. The article also aims at answering the question what is and ought to be the concept of economic security in current Lithuanian politics. The authors do not strive to solve an old and essential problem of social sciences – the methodological choice between individualistic and collectivistic analysis. The goal of the article is just to show the main contradictions in theoretical analysis and political practices between those two approaches when dealing with the problems of economic security. The article admits the wide spread usage of the holistic approach and the fact of policies being based on this approach. However, the use of these measures often causes negative consequences – not only weakening of economic security of individuals, but, in the long run, of states as supra-individual institutions. To expose those measures and inconsistencies is another goal of the article. On the one hand, this makes the analysis more normative, on the other hand, it provides more insights on the topic. The article discusses the concept of economic security, different levels and scope of its analysis. Two different approaches – holistic and individualistic – and their interrelations are presented in more detailed way. The main focus is on how these two different approaches understand and use the concept of threats, as well as the impact of collective measures of economic security and their impact on individuals.

The main objective of the article is a critical evaluation of the concepts of economic security which are based on the assumptionof the state as a unit of analysis, how these concepts are analysed in scholarship and used to support applied measures of economic security policy. The article also aims at answering the question what is and ought to be the concept of economic security in current Lithuanian politics. The authors do not strive to solve an old and essential problem of social sciences – the methodological choice between individualistic and collectivistic analysis. The goal of the article is just to show the main contradictions in theoretical analysis and political practices between those two approaches when dealing with the problems of economic security. The article admits the wide spread usage of the holistic approach and the fact of policies being based on this approach. However, the use of these measures often causes negative consequences – not only weakening of economic security of individuals, but, in the long run, of states as supra-individual institutions. To expose those measures and inconsistencies is another goal of the article. On the one hand, this makes the analysis more normative, on the other hand, it provides more insights on the topic. The article discusses the concept of economic security, different levels and scope of its analysis. Two different approaches – holistic and individualistic – and their interrelations are presented in more detailed way. The main focus is on how these two different approaches understand and use the concept of threats, as well as the impact of collective measures of economic security and their impact on individuals.

The main objective of the article is a critical evaluation of the concepts of economic security which are based on the assumptionof the state as a unit of analysis, how these concepts are analysed in scholarship and used to support applied measures of economic security policy. The article also aims at answering the question what is and ought to be the concept of economic security in current Lithuanian politics. The authors do not strive to solve an old and essential problem of social sciences – the methodological choice between individualistic and collectivistic analysis. The goal of the article is just to show the main contradictions in theoretical analysis and political practices between those two approaches when dealing with the problems of economic security. The article admits the wide spread usage of the holistic approach and the fact of policies being based on this approach. However, the use of these measures often causes negative consequences – not only weakening of economic security of individuals, but, in the long run, of states as supra-individual institutions. To expose those measures and inconsistencies is another goal of the article. On the one hand, this makes the analysis more normative, on the other hand, it provides more insights on the topic. The article discusses the concept of economic security, different levels and scope of its analysis. Two different approaches – holistic and individualistic – and their interrelations are presented in more detailed way. The main focus is on how these two different approaches understand and use the concept of threats, as well as the impact of collective measures of economic security and their impact on individuals.

The former manifests in cases when the official negotiating a transaction with the briber invokes administ- rative, material and financial resources of the institution that he/she represents only. In these cases interference of the hierarchically above-standing organizations or legislature is unnecessary. Political corruption determined by supply manifests in participation of political layers in corrupt transactions. Transactions of this kind can be implemented completely only after political approval is received or after special changes of legal norms have been passed. According to range of corrupt relations in organizations narrow-range and systematic corruption are distinguished. Narrow-range corruption manifests in cases when the solution of a problem that is important to the briber depends on one or a few corrupt persons only. Political corruption manifests in cases where solution of a certain problem in corrupt ways is a feature of the whole organization and different layers of organization (for example, separate departrnents) that take part in the process. According to subordination of layers of organization horizontai and vertical corruption are distinguished. HorizontaI corruption manifests when an important question (permit, licence, regulation) is being solved in a corrupt way in different parallel and unsubordinated departrnents of organization. Vertical corruption manifests in cases when a chain of corrupt acts unites persons standing on different steps of hierarchy. The practice reveals that horizontaI corruption in the last segment of a chain often turns to a vertical one while vertical corruption is practically impossible without support of horizontal segrnents of the chain.

The former manifests in cases when the official negotiating a transaction with the briber invokes administ- rative, material and financial resources of the institution that he/she represents only. In these cases interference of the hierarchically above-standing organizations or legislature is unnecessary. Political corruption determined by supply manifests in participation of political layers in corrupt transactions. Transactions of this kind can be implemented completely only after political approval is received or after special changes of legal norms have been passed. According to range of corrupt relations in organizations narrow-range and systematic corruption are distinguished. Narrow-range corruption manifests in cases when the solution of a problem that is important to the briber depends on one or a few corrupt persons only. Political corruption manifests in cases where solution of a certain problem in corrupt ways is a feature of the whole organization and different layers of organization (for example, separate departrnents) that take part in the process. According to subordination of layers of organization horizontai and vertical corruption are distinguished. HorizontaI corruption manifests when an important question (permit, licence, regulation) is being solved in a corrupt way in different parallel and unsubordinated departrnents of organization. Vertical corruption manifests in cases when a chain of corrupt acts unites persons standing on different steps of hierarchy. The practice reveals that horizontaI corruption in the last segment of a chain often turns to a vertical one while vertical corruption is practically impossible without support of horizontal segrnents of the chain.

The former manifests in cases when the official negotiating a transaction with the briber invokes administ- rative, material and financial resources of the institution that he/she represents only. In these cases interference of the hierarchically above-standing organizations or legislature is unnecessary. Political corruption determined by supply manifests in participation of political layers in corrupt transactions. Transactions of this kind can be implemented completely only after political approval is received or after special changes of legal norms have been passed. According to range of corrupt relations in organizations narrow-range and systematic corruption are distinguished. Narrow-range corruption manifests in cases when the solution of a problem that is important to the briber depends on one or a few corrupt persons only. Political corruption manifests in cases where solution of a certain problem in corrupt ways is a feature of the whole organization and different layers of organization (for example, separate departrnents) that take part in the process. According to subordination of layers of organization horizontai and vertical corruption are distinguished. HorizontaI corruption manifests when an important question (permit, licence, regulation) is being solved in a corrupt way in different parallel and unsubordinated departrnents of organization. Vertical corruption manifests in cases when a chain of corrupt acts unites persons standing on different steps of hierarchy. The practice reveals that horizontaI corruption in the last segment of a chain often turns to a vertical one while vertical corruption is practically impossible without support of horizontal segrnents of the chain.

The former manifests in cases when the official negotiating a transaction with the briber invokes administ- rative, material and financial resources of the institution that he/she represents only. In these cases interference of the hierarchically above-standing organizations or legislature is unnecessary. Political corruption determined by supply manifests in participation of political layers in corrupt transactions. Transactions of this kind can be implemented completely only after political approval is received or after special changes of legal norms have been passed. According to range of corrupt relations in organizations narrow-range and systematic corruption are distinguished. Narrow-range corruption manifests in cases when the solution of a problem that is important to the briber depends on one or a few corrupt persons only. Political corruption manifests in cases where solution of a certain problem in corrupt ways is a feature of the whole organization and different layers of organization (for example, separate departrnents) that take part in the process. According to subordination of layers of organization horizontai and vertical corruption are distinguished. HorizontaI corruption manifests when an important question (permit, licence, regulation) is being solved in a corrupt way in different parallel and unsubordinated departrnents of organization. Vertical corruption manifests in cases when a chain of corrupt acts unites persons standing on different steps of hierarchy. The practice reveals that horizontaI corruption in the last segment of a chain often turns to a vertical one while vertical corruption is practically impossible without support of horizontal segrnents of the chain.

The master thesis gives the analysis of the ways, benefits and causes of internationalization of higher education and related problems. Global market of higher education surveys is given. Analysis of experience of studies' internationalization in different countries and European Higher Education Area are made. International academic mobility management programme is made with reference to analysis of theories and methodologies of marketing, strategic management and educational science. European Union policy for higher education establishes favourable conditions for internationalization of studies in Lithuanian universities. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used for evaluation of internationality of higher education in Lithuania in the context of European Union members, global competitiveness, and priorities of mobile students. The trends of student mobility are analysed, the relation between economic, social factors and attractiveness of higher education is identified and evaluated in the master thesis. According to identified tendencies, the aimed level of internationality of higher education in Lithuania is measured in the number of foreign students. Directions and opportunities for studies' internationalization and development in Lithuanian universities are identified. After the analysis of the theoretical and practical academic mobility development aspects, the conclusions of the master thesis are presented and suggestions for Lithuanian universities are offered. Structure: introduction, problem part, theoretical part, analytical part, project part, conclusions and suggestions, references.

The master thesis gives the analysis of the ways, benefits and causes of internationalization of higher education and related problems. Global market of higher education surveys is given. Analysis of experience of studies' internationalization in different countries and European Higher Education Area are made. International academic mobility management programme is made with reference to analysis of theories and methodologies of marketing, strategic management and educational science. European Union policy for higher education establishes favourable conditions for internationalization of studies in Lithuanian universities. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used for evaluation of internationality of higher education in Lithuania in the context of European Union members, global competitiveness, and priorities of mobile students. The trends of student mobility are analysed, the relation between economic, social factors and attractiveness of higher education is identified and evaluated in the master thesis. According to identified tendencies, the aimed level of internationality of higher education in Lithuania is measured in the number of foreign students. Directions and opportunities for studies' internationalization and development in Lithuanian universities are identified. After the analysis of the theoretical and practical academic mobility development aspects, the conclusions of the master thesis are presented and suggestions for Lithuanian universities are offered. Structure: introduction, problem part, theoretical part, analytical part, project part, conclusions and suggestions, references.

As a result, various climate change effects (3 school) often amplify mechanisms, which lead to insecurity and violence, such as political instability, weak governance structures, poor economic performance, etc. This is especially relevant for those regions where several "conflict constellations" (water and food shortage, regular natural disasters, rapid demographic change, etc.) are overlapping. Environmental change also has a certain impact to international security in terms of possible increase in the number of weak and fragile states, risks for global economic development, intensification of migration, territorial disputes, etc. Generally, environmental security research (apart from the 1 and 2 schools) is based on a broad approach to security, which is not limited to military conflicts and include various elements of sustainable development and economic welfare. On the one hand, it is understandable, as interdisciplinary character of environmental security requires complex approach to security. On the other hand, research based on the concept of human security (4 school) often equates security with economic and social well-being, thus blurring the line between security and development studies. It also undermines the assessment of the impact environmental issues can have to traditional security problems (conflicts, regime change, political instability, etc.). Finally, securization of various social problems (AIDS, migration, poverty, gender inequality, etc.) might be used for political purposes by legitimizing the use of military force or restricting human rights. Various natural disasters (5 school) have a substantial destructive power, which not only causes substantial damage (humanitarian crises, destroyed infrastructure, etc.), but also has complex socioeconomic and political effects, which affect political regimes, critical economic sectors, social stability, etc. .

As a result, various climate change effects (3 school) often amplify mechanisms, which lead to insecurity and violence, such as political instability, weak governance structures, poor economic performance, etc. This is especially relevant for those regions where several "conflict constellations" (water and food shortage, regular natural disasters, rapid demographic change, etc.) are overlapping. Environmental change also has a certain impact to international security in terms of possible increase in the number of weak and fragile states, risks for global economic development, intensification of migration, territorial disputes, etc. Generally, environmental security research (apart from the 1 and 2 schools) is based on a broad approach to security, which is not limited to military conflicts and include various elements of sustainable development and economic welfare. On the one hand, it is understandable, as interdisciplinary character of environmental security requires complex approach to security. On the other hand, research based on the concept of human security (4 school) often equates security with economic and social well-being, thus blurring the line between security and development studies. It also undermines the assessment of the impact environmental issues can have to traditional security problems (conflicts, regime change, political instability, etc.). Finally, securization of various social problems (AIDS, migration, poverty, gender inequality, etc.) might be used for political purposes by legitimizing the use of military force or restricting human rights. Various natural disasters (5 school) have a substantial destructive power, which not only causes substantial damage (humanitarian crises, destroyed infrastructure, etc.), but also has complex socioeconomic and political effects, which affect political regimes, critical economic sectors, social stability, etc. .

As a result, various climate change effects (3 school) often amplify mechanisms, which lead to insecurity and violence, such as political instability, weak governance structures, poor economic performance, etc. This is especially relevant for those regions where several "conflict constellations" (water and food shortage, regular natural disasters, rapid demographic change, etc.) are overlapping. Environmental change also has a certain impact to international security in terms of possible increase in the number of weak and fragile states, risks for global economic development, intensification of migration, territorial disputes, etc. Generally, environmental security research (apart from the 1 and 2 schools) is based on a broad approach to security, which is not limited to military conflicts and include various elements of sustainable development and economic welfare. On the one hand, it is understandable, as interdisciplinary character of environmental security requires complex approach to security. On the other hand, research based on the concept of human security (4 school) often equates security with economic and social well-being, thus blurring the line between security and development studies. It also undermines the assessment of the impact environmental issues can have to traditional security problems (conflicts, regime change, political instability, etc.). Finally, securization of various social problems (AIDS, migration, poverty, gender inequality, etc.) might be used for political purposes by legitimizing the use of military force or restricting human rights. Various natural disasters (5 school) have a substantial destructive power, which not only causes substantial damage (humanitarian crises, destroyed infrastructure, etc.), but also has complex socioeconomic and political effects, which affect political regimes, critical economic sectors, social stability, etc. .

As a result, various climate change effects (3 school) often amplify mechanisms, which lead to insecurity and violence, such as political instability, weak governance structures, poor economic performance, etc. This is especially relevant for those regions where several "conflict constellations" (water and food shortage, regular natural disasters, rapid demographic change, etc.) are overlapping. Environmental change also has a certain impact to international security in terms of possible increase in the number of weak and fragile states, risks for global economic development, intensification of migration, territorial disputes, etc. Generally, environmental security research (apart from the 1 and 2 schools) is based on a broad approach to security, which is not limited to military conflicts and include various elements of sustainable development and economic welfare. On the one hand, it is understandable, as interdisciplinary character of environmental security requires complex approach to security. On the other hand, research based on the concept of human security (4 school) often equates security with economic and social well-being, thus blurring the line between security and development studies. It also undermines the assessment of the impact environmental issues can have to traditional security problems (conflicts, regime change, political instability, etc.). Finally, securization of various social problems (AIDS, migration, poverty, gender inequality, etc.) might be used for political purposes by legitimizing the use of military force or restricting human rights. Various natural disasters (5 school) have a substantial destructive power, which not only causes substantial damage (humanitarian crises, destroyed infrastructure, etc.), but also has complex socioeconomic and political effects, which affect political regimes, critical economic sectors, social stability, etc. .

The paper suggests a conceptual framework for analyzing the relationship between democracy and economic growth based on the international dimension. In essence, democracy positively effects economic growth in a given country when international actors seek to promote democracy in that country by punishing violations of democratic norms with economic sanctions. The paper specifies conditions under which violation of democratic norms gets punished with economic sanctions. First, foreign actors must have an interest in defending democracy in a given country. Second, the costs of defending democracy must not outweigh its benefits. Finally, economic sanctions must be employed as a tool for the defense of democracy. Furthermore, factors that affect the negative impact of economic sanctions on economic growth in the 'target' country are specified in the paper. They are as follows: economic openness of the 'target' country, extent of economic interdependence with sanctioning countries, as well as the structure of the economy and opportunities to diversify economic relations with other foreign actors. Besides, the impact of sanctions on growth depends on the duration of their application. Further, the paper illustrates the logic of the conceptual framework with the empirical example of Latin America. During the Cold War, democracies in the region did not face any economic advantages with regard to international factors. Latin America's Cold War history was highly influenced by the strategic struggle between the US and the Soviet Union. For the US, the main purpose in the region was to carry out the policy of containment of communism. This meant that certain undemocratic but friendly regimes were often supported, while hostile but democratic ones were undermined. The situation changed cardinally after the Cold War ended. When the strategic threat of communism disappeared, the US changed its policy focus from containment of communism to the promotion and defense of democracies. Moreover, Latin America experienced intensive processes of democratization and economic liberalization. This created conditions for the collective system of defense of democracy in the region. Certain factors contributed to the potential impact of economic sanctions in the region in the 1990s. Economic liberalization and higher economic openness made countries more vulnerable to potential sanctions. Furthermore, Latin American countries had high levels of economic interdependence with the US, the EU and other regional democracies, all of which were ready to defend democratic systems. Finally, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and disappearance of non-democracies in the region highly reduced opportunities for economic diversification in the case of economic sanctions. In Latin America in the 1990s, every violation of procedural democratic norms was met with economic sanctions which had negative effect on economic growth in the violating country. These cases were Haiti (1991), Peru (1992) and Guatemala (1993). In the case of Paraguay (1996), the threat of economic sanctions was one of the factors that helped to preserve democratic system in the country. This means that the analysis of the relationship between political regime type and economic growth in Latin America in the 1990s is incomplete and potentially incorrect, if international factors are not taken into account. Finally, the paper gives suggestions for further research, in particular hinting to the possible structural global shift in the democracy-growth relationship in post-Cold War environment. International factors provide a possible explanation why empirically democracies tend to grow faster than autocracies after the end of the Cold War