Suchergebnisse

Discrimination against minority groups still occurs in Indonesia, both in the form of verbal and non-verbal violence. The last discrimination that occurred was the closure of the Ahmadiyah Mosque in Garut, West Java in 2021. According to Foucault, discrimination occurs due to the existence of a power system to regulate knowledge and hegemony in society through the normalization of knowledge which is a tool of power so that discrimination and even intolerance can be justified in society. The Wawuh boardgame is a medium for spreading tolerance and peace through 9 basic human rights, namely; the right to life, the right to receive, the right to work, the right to health, the right to education, the right to facilities, the right to protection, the right to voice, and the right to administration. This study aims to determine the extent of changes in perspective and behavior of tolerance after playing the Wawuh Boardgame. This game is played to members of the Scouts of UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung Batch 39 who have not been exposed to the issue of peace and violence based on minority group discrimination. This research method uses a combined qualitative and quantitative approach because the data collection uses a questionnaire whose results will be described in written form and the researcher can describe with a clear purpose. The results and discussion of this study prove that there is an attitude of tolerance and a change in perspective by 86% as well as increasing information about minority groups against members of the Scouts of UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung Batch 39. The conclusion of this study is that the Wawuh Boardgame is effective in campaigning for peace and can introduce minority groups as well as being able to prevent discrimination at all levels.

ABSTRACT Human life is increasingly developing, making demands for fulfilment of needs are also growing. Likewise with the clothing needs used. Nowadays the use of one's clothing shifts into a lifestyle that cannot be separated from it. This condition can benefit the market to make it an opportunity. This happens in Indonesia, where the country whose population is the largest Moslem religion up to 85% of the total population has a fashion style that is influenced by the beliefs adopted by Islam. This fashion industry has an important role as a contributor to improving the economy. The development of the domestic Muslim fashion industry will be able to answer domestic to international market demand if it can formulate strategies in answering the challenges that exist. In this case the actors who play a role in the Muslim Fashion Industry must have a reliable strategy that can improve the development of the Muslim Fashion Industry. This development has also become the main focus of the Indonesian government where it has a target that makes Indonesia the World Muslim Fashion Qibla in 2020. By utilizing the wealth of Indonesian Human Resources, Nature and Culture, Indonesia will be able to reach its dreams. The impact that will be felt in achieving this target is very large, such as increasing economic productivity, increasing employment opportunities, national income and the role of Indonesia in the development of world Muslim fashion.

Endocrine disrupting chemicals (EDCs) are ubiquitous in the environment and involve diverse chemical-receptor interactions that can perturb hormone signaling. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development has validated several EDC-receptor bioassays to detect endocrine active chemicals and has established guidelines for regulatory testing of EDCs. Focus on testing over the past decade has been initially directed to EATS modalities (estrogen, androgen, thyroid, and steroidogenesis) and validated tests for chemicals that exert effects through non-EATS modalities are less established. Due to recognition that EDCs are vast in their mechanisms of action, novel bioassays are needed to capture the full scope of activity. Here, we highlight the need for validated assays that detect non-EATS modalities and discuss major international efforts underway to develop such tools for regulatory purposes, focusing on non-EATS modalities of high concern (i.e., retinoic acid, aryl hydrocarbon receptor, peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor, and glucocorticoid signaling). Two case studies are presented with strong evidence amongst animals and human studies for non-EATS disruption and associations with wildlife and human disease. This includes metabolic syndrome and insulin signaling (case study 1) and chemicals that impact the cardiovascular system (case study 2). This is relevant as obesity and cardiovascular disease represent two of the most significant health-related crises of our time. Lastly, emerging topics related to EDCs are discussed, including recognition of crosstalk between the EATS and non-EATS axis, complex mixtures containing a variety of EDCs, adverse outcome pathways for chemicals acting through non-EATS mechanisms, and novel models for testing chemicals. Recommendations and considerations for evaluating non-EATS modalities are proposed. Moving forward, improved understanding of the non-EATS modalities will lead to integrated testing strategies that can be used in regulatory bodies to protect environmental, animal, and human health from harmful environmental chemicals. ; LNM was supported by a H2020-Marie Skłodowska-Curie Action MSCA-IF-RI- 2017 awarded by the European Commission (ref. 797725-EpiSTOX). JK was funded by the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under grant agreement GOLIATH No. 825489. AS and LEC were supported by a Grant-in-Aid from the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada. ; Peer reviewed

The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, initiated by institutional and electoral reforms, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party. The first local elections since more than 30 years took finally place on 30 June 2019 and resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Shortly afterwards, in February 2020, the President won also the disputed presidential elections and even consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in April and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo's African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, followed a 'laissez-faire' approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum (before Corona). Public investment in infrastructure and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless. ; Author's enhanced version ; RÉSUMÉ: Le clan Gnassingbé dirige le pays depuis 1967. La revendication d'alternance politique, initiée par des réformes institutionnelles et électorales, a constitué le principal litige entre le gouvernement et les challengers du régime Gnassingbé tout au long de la période d'enquête. Les élections législatives du 20 décembre 2018, boycottées par les principaux partis d'opposition, se sont soldées par une victoire facile du parti au pouvoir. Les premières élections locales depuis plus de 30 ans ont finalement eu lieu le 30 juin 2019 et ont abouti à la victoire du parti au pouvoir. Peu de temps après, en février 2020, le président a remporté également les élections présidentielles contestées. Par cela il a même consolidé son pouvoir, aidé par l'armée fidèle et les services de sécurité. Le déclenchement de l'épidémie de Corona au Togo en avril 2020 et la récession économique qui a suivi, ont peut-être contribué à limiter les protestations populaires contre le régime de Gnassingbé. Le bilan du gouvernement en matière de droits humains s'est amélioré, mais reste médiocre. Malgré des améliorations indéniables du cadre et de l'apparence des principales institutions du régime pendant la période à l'examen, la démocratie reste loin d'être achevée. Cependant, la communauté internationale, notamment les pairs africains du Togo, l'UA et la CEDEAO, ont suivi une approche de «laissez-faire» dans l'intérêt de la stabilité régionale et de leurs intérêts nationaux face au Togo. La croissance économique est restée stable à environ 5 % par an (avant Corona). Les investissements publics dans les infrastructures et les augmentations de la productivité agricole, notamment des cultures d'exportation, ont été les principaux moteurs de la croissance économique. Cependant, la croissance reste vulnérable aux chocs externes et au climat, et le développement n'a pas été inclusive. La croissance positive a été éclipsée par l'augmentation des inégalités interpersonnelles et régionales ainsi que par une augmentation de l'extrême pauvreté. En outre, le blanchiment d'argent, les transferts d'argent illégaux et le trafic ont augmenté de façon alarmante. Le climat des affaires s'est néanmoins considérablement amélioré. --- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Der Gnassingbé-Clan regiert das Land seit 1967. Die Forderung nach politischer Abwechslung, die durch institutionelle Reformen und Wahlreformen ausgelöst wurde, war das Hauptstreitpunkt zwischen der Regierung und den Herausforderern des Gnassingbé-Regimes während des gesamten Untersuchungszeitraums. Die von den großen Oppositionsparteien boykottierten Parlamentswahlen vom 20. Dezember 2018 führten zu einem leichten Sieg der Regierungspartei. Die ersten Kommunalwahlen seit mehr als 30 Jahren fanden schließlich am 30. Juni 2019 statt und führten zum Sieg der Regierungspartei. Kurz darauf, im Februar 2020, gewann der Präsident auch die umstrittenen Präsidentschaftswahlen. Somit festigte er sogar seine Macht, unterstützt von der loyalen Armee und den Sicherheitsdiensten. Der Ausbruch der Corona-Epidemie in Togo im April und die anschließende wirtschaftliche Rezession haben möglicherweise dazu beigetragen, den Protest der Bevölkerung gegen das Gnassingbé-Regime zu begrenzen. Die Menschenrechtsbilanz der Regierung hat sich verbessert, ist aber weiterhin schlecht. Trotz unbestreitbarer Verbesserungen des Rahmens und des Erscheinungsbilds der wichtigsten Institutionen des Regimes im Berichtszeitraum bleibt die Demokratie bei weitem nicht umfassend. Die internationale Gemeinschaft, insbesondere die afrikanischen Kollegen Faure Gnassingbés in der AU und ECOWAS, verfolgten jedoch im Interesse der regionalen Stabilität und in ihren nationalen Interessen im Umgang mit Togo einen "Laissez-Faire"-Ansatz. Das Wirtschaftswachstum blieb stabil bei etwa 5% pro Jahr (vor Corona). Öffentliche Investitionen in die Infrastruktur und die Steigerung der landwirtschaftlichen Produktivität, insbesondere in Exportkulturen, waren die Haupttreiber des Wirtschaftswachstums. Das Wachstum bleibt jedoch anfällig für externe Schocks und das Klima und war nicht inklusiv. Das positive Wachstum wurde durch die zunehmende zwischenmenschliche und regionale Ungleichheit sowie die Zunahme der extremen Armut überschattet. Darüber hinaus nahmen Geldwäsche, illegale Geldtransfers und Menschenhandel alarmierend zu. Das Geschäftsklima hat sich dennoch erheblich verbessert.

International audience ; The aim of this article is to propose an articulation between the so-called French discourse analysis and the notions of intersectionality and decoloniality that are currently at work in the human and social sciences in France. It describes the conditions of an alternative epistemology capable of decentring knowledge and intellectual technologies of the discipline, and suggests ways of reworking its theoretical apparatus in order to take into account in linguistic analysis the conditions of existence of subjects and their journeys from one world to another within a pluriverse framework. We first define the chosen version of intersectionality and the decolonial perspective, showing what they can bring to discourse analysis as an enriching and emancipating perspective. We then specify the contours of an alternative epistemology, on the level of knowledge and methods, by insisting on the questions of the points of view and experiences of the subjects, and on the scientific as well as political choice of references and quotations. Finally, we propose the notion of coloniality of discourse, which allows us to rework in an intersectional decolonial dimension the questions of denomination and subjectivity. ; L'objectif de cet article est de proposer une articulation entre l'analyse du discours dite française et les notions d'intersectionnalité et de décolonialité qui travaillent actuellement les sciences humaines et sociales en France. Il décrit les conditions d'une épistémologie alternative apte à décentrer les savoirs et les technologies intellectuelles de la discipline, et suggère des manières de retravailler son appareillage théorique pour prendre en compte dans l'analyse linguistique les conditions d'existence des sujets et leurs voyages d'un monde à l'autre dans le cadre d'un plurivers. On définit d'abord la version de l'intersectionnalité choisie et la perspective décoloniale, en montrant ce qu'elles peuvent apporter à l'analyse du discours comme perspective enrichissante et ...

The present research aims to analyse the phenomenon of unaccompanied minors arriving from Morocco to the European Union from 2010 to 2021. This recent migratory phenomenon supposes an emerging challenge for governments, international organisations, and societies, in order to guarantee the protection of children according the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UN, 1989). The research focuses on the children «on the move», travelling alone from Morocco and arriving in Spain through the Strait of Gibraltar. The so-called Western Mediterranean Migratory Route has become one of the gateways to Europe. Spain hosts nowadays a big community of Moroccan unaccompanied minors and Catalonia has become the second Spanish Autonomous Community with a major number of unaccompanied minors, only surpassed by the enclave of Melilla located on the very border of Morocco. The present research gives special attention to the study of the Amazigh Nationalism question, as something to look at among the reasons why Moroccan unaccompanied minors migrate to Europe, choosing, particularly, Catalonia as a model to pursuit an Amazigh nation. ; A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o fenómeno da chegada de menores não acompanhados provenientes de Marrocos à União Europeia entre 2010 a 2021. Este fenómeno migratório recente supõe um desafio emergente para governos, organizações internacionais e sociedade para garantir a proteção de crianças segundo a Convenção das Nações Unidas sobre os Direitos da Criança (ONU, 1989). A pesquisa centra-se nas crianças em trânsito que vêm sozinhas de Marrocos e chegam à Espanha pelo Estreito de Gibraltar. A chamada Rota Migratória do Mediterrâneo Ocidental tornou-se uma das portas de entrada para a Europa. Por seu lado, a Espanha acolhe hoje uma grande comunidade de menores não acompanhados marroquinos e, em particular, a Catalunha tornou-se a segunda Comunidade Autónoma Espanhola com maior número de menores não acompanhados, apenas superada por Melilla localizada na fronteira de Marrocos. A ...

International audience ; The aim of this article is to propose an articulation between the so-called French discourse analysis and the notions of intersectionality and decoloniality that are currently at work in the human and social sciences in France. It describes the conditions of an alternative epistemology capable of decentring knowledge and intellectual technologies of the discipline, and suggests ways of reworking its theoretical apparatus in order to take into account in linguistic analysis the conditions of existence of subjects and their journeys from one world to another within a pluriverse framework. We first define the chosen version of intersectionality and the decolonial perspective, showing what they can bring to discourse analysis as an enriching and emancipating perspective. We then specify the contours of an alternative epistemology, on the level of knowledge and methods, by insisting on the questions of the points of view and experiences of the subjects, and on the scientific as well as political choice of references and quotations. Finally, we propose the notion of coloniality of discourse, which allows us to rework in an intersectional decolonial dimension the questions of denomination and subjectivity. ; L'objectif de cet article est de proposer une articulation entre l'analyse du discours dite française et les notions d'intersectionnalité et de décolonialité qui travaillent actuellement les sciences humaines et sociales en France. Il décrit les conditions d'une épistémologie alternative apte à décentrer les savoirs et les technologies intellectuelles de la discipline, et suggère des manières de retravailler son appareillage théorique pour prendre en compte dans l'analyse linguistique les conditions d'existence des sujets et leurs voyages d'un monde à l'autre dans le cadre d'un plurivers. On définit d'abord la version de l'intersectionnalité choisie et la perspective décoloniale, en montrant ce qu'elles peuvent apporter à l'analyse du discours comme perspective enrichissante et émancipatrice. On précise ensuite les contours d'une épistémologie alternative, sur le plan des savoirs et des méthodes, en insistant sur les questions des points de vue et des expériences des sujets, et sur le choix tant scientifique que politique des références et des citations. On propose enfin la notion de colonialité du discours, qui permet de retravailler dans une dimension intersectionnelle décoloniale les questions de la dénomination et de la subjectivité.

La educación como cualquier otro servicio de carácter público, es un derecho que el Estado otorga a través de sus instituciones, regulado por un Marco Jurídico, constituido por normas de observancia obligatoria, para gobernantes como para gobernados, por lo que, su cumplimiento se traduce a partir de las disposiciones emitidas por la autoridad competente, en cuyo discurso se encuentran dos premisas indisolubles: el filosófico y el político, en el primero de éstos, se plasma el deber-ser construido a partir de las aspiraciones del sentido humano por alcanzar una vida digna, donde el respeto, la tolerancia, la bondad y la honestidad, figuran como el estandarte ético, con el que ha de educarse a la ciudadanía y con el que habrá de formarse cada uno de los individuos, mientras que el aspecto político suscribe al consenso de las mayorías, como el fundamento de la legitimidad para instituir los principios legales, que habrán de traducirse en ordenamientos para mantener el orden y los procedimientos, para el cabal cumplimiento de las necesidades públicas. En este sentido, corresponde al Artículo 3° Constitucional, ser la norma suprema a través de la cual, se ha de normar para operar los servicios educativos en todos sus tipos y modalidades, en cuya conformación histórica, nos revela la inseparable presencia filosófica y política en su discurso, como un prototipo ideológico del Estado de Derecho, sin embargo, no es la norma su cuestión absoluta, sino su grado de cumplimiento, dado los alcances de su operación, por ello, en este artículo se presenta de manera general, el proceso de evolución y cambio que ha sufrido, durante su desarrollo. Después de su revisión Bibliográfica y Hemerográfica, se describe la trayectoria del Artículo 3° Constitucional, así como su despliegue operativo a partir de lo que regula la Secretaría de Educación Pública, como órgano de la Administración Pública Federal. Palabras-clave: Artículo Tercero Constitucional, Ley Orgánica de la Administración Pública Federal, Ley de Planeación. ; : Education, like any other public service, is a right that the State grants through its institutions, regulated by a Legal Framework, made up of mandatory rules, for governors as well as for the governed, therefore, its compliance translates into based on the provisions issued by the competent authority, in whose discourse there are two indissoluble premises: the philosophical and the political, in the first of these, the must-be constructed from the aspirations of the human sense to achieve a A dignified life, where respect, tolerance, goodness and honesty appear as the ethical standard, with which citizens must be educated and with which each individual must be formed, while the political aspect subscribes to the consensus of the majorities, as the basis of the legitimacy to institute legal principles, which will have to be translated into regulations to maintain order and procedures. measures, for the full fulfillment of public needs. In this sense, it corresponds to Article 3 of the Constitution, to be the supreme norm through which, it is necessary to regulate to operate educational services in all its types and modalities, in whose historical conformation, reveals the inseparable philosophical and political presence In his discourse, as an ideological prototype of the Rule of Law, however, its absolute question is not the norm, but its degree of compliance, given the scope of its operation, therefore, this article presents in a general way, the process of evolution and change that it has undergone during its development. Key-Word: Third Constitutional Article, Organic Law of the Federal Public Administration, Planning Law.

Insufficiency of water resources in the Middle East Region represents vital factors that influence the stability of the region and its progress. Expectations indicate that the condition will be dimmer and more complicated, especially in Iraqi territory. Iraq, which is situated in the Middle East, it covers an area of 433,970 square kilometers and populated by about 32 million inhabitants. Iraq greatly relies in its water resources on the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers as a surface water resources, and several productive groundwater aquifers in which from the hydrogeological point of view divided into several major aquifer units including Foothill, Al-Jazira, Aquifer System, Mandali-Badra-Teeb, Mesopotamian and Desert Aquifer system. Recently, Iraq is suffering from water shortage problems. This is due to external and internal factors affecting the water quality of water resources; they are controlled and uncontrolled factors. The uncontrolled factors are climate change and its consequences, such as reduction of precipitation and temperature increasing. The controlled factors have a significantly negative influence on water resources, but their effects involve more specific regions. The controlled factors are mainly represented by building dams and irrigation projects within the upper parts of the Tigris and Euphrates catchments, Al-Tharthar Scheme, waste water, solid wastes and wastes from wars, which has a significant effect on surface water in Iraq because about 80% of the water supply to Euphrates and Tigris Rivers come from Turkey. In addition, the pressures resulting from the high demand for water resources, and the continued decline in their quantity rates have led to major changes in the hydrological condition in Iraq during the past 30 years. The decrease in surface water levels and precipitation during these three decades reflects the drop in the levels of water reservoirs, lakes, and rivers to the unexpected levels. The level of main country's water source, Tigris, and Euphrates Rivers has fallen to less than a third of its natural levels. As storage capacity depreciates, the government estimates that its water reserves have been reduced precariously. According to the survey from the Ministry of Water Resources, millions of Iraqi people have faced a severe shortage of drinking water. Since of the importance of water for human life and the need to monitor temporal and spatial changes in quality and quantity, there is a need to develop a general Iraqi Water Quality Index (Iraq WQI) to monitor surface water and groundwater and classify it into five categories, very good, good, acceptable, bad and very bad, in terms of suitability for domestics, irrigation and agriculture depending on the Iraqi and WHO standards for drinking water. In addition, strict establishment for the regular quantitative monitoring surface water and groundwater setting and processes. Prospects are more negative for all riparian countries. This implies that solving these problems requires actual and serious international, regional, and national cooperation to set a prudent plan for water resources management of the two basins. Iraq being the most affected country should seriously set a prudent, scientific, and strategic plan for the management and conservation of its water resources. ; Validerad;2020;Nivå 1;2020-11-18 (johcin)