Suchergebnisse

A growing international consensus has emerged in the last few decades on the need to prosecute egregious violations of international law. In this regard, the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is seen as a landmark development in the global protection of international human rights and humanitarian law standards. Since its independence in 1991, Eritrea has experienced heinous violations of international law. The violations amount to international core crimes, as defined by the ICC Statute and customary international law. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression. There are consistent reports, as well as documentary and testimonial evidence from reliable sources on this. Accordingly, a number of high-ranking government officials may be reasonably suspected of involvement in the perpetration of international crimes in Eritrea. However, Eritrea is not a state party to the ICC Statute and this means that many of the international crimes perpetrated in the country may not fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. On the other hand, violations are continuing with impunity, as there are no effective domestic remedies to rectify the problem, giving rise to the need for immediate intervention by the international community. The article discusses the legal implications of the ICC Statute with regard to international crimes committed in Eritrea before and after the coming into effect of the Statute. Drawing on the latest developments of international criminal law, it explores possible options for the prosecution of the main perpetrators of international crimes pursuant to Security Council referral as stipulated under article 13(b) of the ICC Statute.

Increasing the efficiency and reducing the cost of doing business in Ireland is a key emphasis for enterprise policy in Ireland. The rapid development of modern information and communications technologies is having a dramatic impact on all aspects of life, including government. eGovernment has the capability to ensure greater engagement with citizens, higher productivity in terms of reduced costs, more efficient administrative procedures, delivery of higher quality services and provision of better policy outcomes.

Beitrag auf der Tagung der IGG in Tutzing vom 22. bis 26. September 1997 "Historisch-politisches Bewußtsein in einer globalisierten Gesellschaft. Von der Lokalgeschichte zur Weltgeschichte"

Am 1. Januar 2007 trat in Deutschland das Bundeselterngeld- und Elternzeitgesetz in Kraft. Eines der Ziele dieser Neuausrichtung der Familienpolitik ist die Erhöhung der Geburtenzahl. Um die potenzielle Wirkung des Gesetzes auf die Fertilität abzuschätzen, lohnt sich der Blick auf andere westeuropäische Länder mit ähnlichen familienpolitischen Modellen. Wie wirken familienpolitische Maßnahmen in diesen Ländern, und welche Schlüsse lassen sich daraus für die Wirkungen des deutschen Elterngeld- und Elternzeitmodells ziehen?

An overview of the objectives of Bahamian foreign policy, the history of foreign relations in post-independence Bahamas, the Bahamian official stance on human rights issues, South Africa, Israel, Palestine, disarmament, drug trafficking, the Organization of American States and the non-aligned movement, Law of the Sea, and the issue of Bahamian boundaries.

Many writers believe that international law is precatory but not "binding" in the way domestic law is binding. Since international law derives from the practice of states, how is it that what states do becomes what they must do? How do we get bindingness or normativity out of empirical fact? We have to avoid the Humean fallacy of attempting to derive an ought from an is. Yet we can find in nature at least one norm that is compelling: the norm of survival. This norm is hardwired into our brains through evolution. It is also hardwired into the international legal system that has survived for four thousand years. In every dispute or controversy, the international legal system weighs in on the side of peaceful and stable resolution--simply because that is in the system's interest of self-perpetuation. In sum, it is internaitonal law itself that selects from state actions those actions most conducive to the peaceful resolution of disputes and formulates them as rules and precedents of the system.

We develop a generalized approach to the treatment of household inequality aspects of social welfare in general equilibrium models of trade. We follow a dual approach, highlighting how general equilibrium distributional aspects of social welfare related to import protection may be examined alongside corresponding efficiency aspects. We work with a social welfare function that is explicitly separable between mean income and income dispersion. Our results compliment the set of standard inequality results in trade theory that are focused strictly on functional rather than household inequality. As an application of the theoretical framework, we then examine the direct impact of inequality on a government's objective function. We nd that equity consider- ations may serve to counter lobbying interests in both capital-rich and capital-poor countries, though with an opposite marginal impact on the nal policy outcome. We also identify a new theoretical basis for potential protectionist bias on the part of welfare maximizing governments in capital-rich countries in the Heckscher-Ohlin model. Our dual framework also offers a possible empirical framework for decomposition of policy-induced price changes into household inequality for a broad class of models.

This paper analyzes empirically the relationship between civil wars and international trade. We first show that trade destruction due to civil wars is very large and persistent and increases with the severity of the conflict. We then identify two effects that trade can have on the risk of civil conflicts: it may act as a deterrent if trade gains are put at risk during civil wars but it may also act as an insurance if international trade provides a substitute to internal trade during civil wars. We find support for the presence of these two mechanisms and conclude that trade openness may deter the most severe civil wars (those that destroy the largest amount of trade) but may increase the risk of lower scale conflicts.

This paper analyzes empirically the relationship between civil wars and international trade. We first show that trade destruction due to civil wars is very large and persistent and increases with the severity of the conflict. We then identify two effects that trade can have on the risk of civil conflicts: it may act as a deterrent if trade gains are put at risk during civil wars but it may also act as an insurance if international trade provides a substitute to internal trade during civil wars. We find support for the presence of these two mechanisms and conclude that trade openness may deter the most severe civil wars (those that destroy the largest amount of trade) but may increase the risk of lower scale conflicts.

This thesis will look at the dialogue that is currently taking place between children's rights and private international law to discover the extent to which the concepts of the first are and can be successfully incorporated into the second. Children's rights provide a useful example through which to examine the interaction of private international law and human rights. The changes that have been and will continue to be required of private international law by the recognition of children's rights will be demonstrated, and the successes and difficulties will be noted. This thesis examines current and past private international law rules, found in case law, legislation and international treaties, as well as taking into account the ideas and theories of various scholars. The research is based largely on Irish private international law, however, in many areas examination is also undertaken of international norms, whether or not they are binding on Ireland, and the private international law rules of other States. ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie

There is a growing and misinformed sense in some quarters that the United States and other countries have engaged (and continue to engage) in delegations to international institution that involve a significant threat to domestic sovereignty. Concerns about such delegations come from academics (John Yoo: "Novel forms of international cooperation increasingly call for the transfer of rulemaking authority to international organizations"), prominent politicians (Bob Barr: "Nary a thought is given when international organizations, like the UN, attempt to enforce their myopic vision of a one-world government upon America, while trumping our Constitution in the process. Moreover, many in our own government willfully or ignorantly cede constitutionally guaranteed rights and freedoms to the international community;" Jesse Helms: "The American people see the UN aspiring to establish itself as the central authority of a new international order of global laws and global government."); and senior government officials (John Bolton: "For virtually every area of public policy, there is a Globalist proposal, consistent with the overall objective of reducing individual nation-state autonomy, particularly that of the United States"). In our view the perspective evidenced by the above quotes is almost wholly a myth. But it is a myth that persists and continues to attract attention. This Essay seeks to bring forward a more realistic and accurate view of international institutions and engagement. We demonstrate that meaningful delegations of sovereignty are extremely rare and even when they do exist they are carefully cabined. Decision-making authority in all areas remains firmly in the hands of national governments.

Toute personne est passible de poursuite devant la Cour Pénale Internationale nonobstant son statut. Ici, l'immunité des diplomates n'est pas prise en compte, encore moins celle des gouvernants (chef d'Etat, parlementaires, ministres, agents de l'état…) Bien plus, la responsabilité pénale se limite aux personnes physiques et ne couvre pas les personnes morales publiques ou privées. C'est surtout cette dernière compétence qui pose véritablement problème à certains pays. Les uns redoutent l'instrumentalisation de la Cour à des fins politiques et craignent la prolifération de plaintes à l'endroit de leurs leaders ou de leur personnel militaire. Ceux là refusent simplement de ratifier le statut. C'est le cas de la Chine, de l'Inde, d'Israël ou de la Russie. Les autres soutiennent que la compétence reconnue à la Cour de juger des ressortissants d'Etats non parties, y compris des officiels est contraire au droit des traités. C'est le cas des Etats Unis qui entreprennent une croisade contre la CPI en vue d'empêcher l'entrée en vigueur du Statut. Pourquoi toutes ces inquiétudes ? Et quels sont les enjeux géopolitiques que portent cette Cour ?

Metadata only record ; The International Land Coalition (ILC) started as the Popular Coalition to Eradicate Hunger and Poverty. This is a global alliance of intergovernmental, governmental and civil-society organizations committed to rural poverty eradication. On their website, (on the left click on documents) the link presents a list of resources related to the role of women and access to land. There are case studies and country reports in Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Kenya and Nepal, as well as links to other organization's documents, such as FAO, and WEDO.

Einige wichtige Indikatoren deuten darauf hin, dass der Innovationsstandort Deutschland im Bereich der forschungs- und wissensintensiven Branchen seine derzeitige technologische Wettbewerbsposition im Vergleich zu wichtigen Konkurrenzländern nicht dauerhaft halten kann. Welche Schwächen sind entlang der gesamten Wertschöpfungskette erkennbar? Welche Maßnahmen zum Gegensteuern sollten ergriffen werden?

Hans Schippers and Dick Leurdijk look at the possibilities of forming an international military force for the West Bank in the final phase of the Annapolis peace initiative. The main task of this mission would be to maintain security and prevent a coup by the fundamentalist Hamas movement after an Israeli withdrawal. In November 2007, General James Jones, former commander of the NATO forces in Europe, was appointed security adviser for the region. Part of his task is to investigate whether such a mission, as a supplement to the US trained Palestinian National Security brigades, would be a viable option. The West Bank force would be modelled after UNIFIL-II, which was established after the Israel-Hezbollah war in the summer of 2006. Unlike other international missions in the Middle East, which have a classical peacekeeping task with lightly armed personnel, UNIFIL-II has a robust peacekeeping mandate giving the military conditional authority for the use of force. Contributions for the stabilisation mission might come from Jordan, especially the Jordan led and Palestinian manned Badr Brigade, as well as from Egypt and several NATO countries. The idea of a West Bank force has led to sharp debates in Israel. Critics have pointed out that the international mission might hamper Israeli security operations. Palestinian president Abbas and king Abdullah of Jordan have expressed cautious support for the initiative. A positive reaction came from the Dutch government, which has made a solution of the Israel-Palestine conflict a key issue in its foreign policy. Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Maxime Verhagen, declared in January that after an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement had been signed, he would do his utmost to ensure a Dutch contribution to such an international force, led, e.g., by NATO.