Suchergebnisse

La segunda economía del mundo está emergiendo como superpotencia cultural. A pesar de la desaceleración de la economía nipona desde la década de los 90 y la pérdida de una parte importante de su peso económico, Japón emerge en el nuevo milenio como una verdadera superpotencia cultural gracias a su capacidad de posicionarse como país posmoderno y a la vez tradicional, así como a la toma de conciencia por los dirigentes políticos japoneses de utilizar la cultura popular (el anime, el manga, la música y la moda, etc.) como herramienta clave de la política exterior para difundir una imagen positiva de Japón en el mundo.

En unos tiempos en los que todos los países europeos desean ingresar en la UE de 27 miembros, Suiza –situada política y geográficamente en el mismo corazón de Europa– se mantiene fuera de la UE. A pesar de haberse producido un intenso acercamiento mediante acuerdo bilaterales, persiste aparentemente en el futuro venidero una vía especial de relaciones bilaterales.

We investigate the relationship between corruption and political stability, from both theoretical and empirical perspectives. We propose a model of incumbent behavior that features the interplay of two effects: a horizon effect, whereby greater instability leads the incumbent to embezzle more during his short window of opportunity, and a demand effect, by which the private sector is more willing to bribe stable incumbents. The horizon effect dominates at low levels of stability, because firms are unwilling to pay high bribes and unstable incumbents have strong incentives to embezzle, whereas the demand effect gains salience in more stable regimes. Together, these two effects generate a non-monotonic, U-shaped relationship between total corruption and stability. On the empirical side, we find a robust U-shaped pattern between country indices of corruption perception and various measures of incumbent stability, including historically observed average tenures of chief executives and governing parties: regimes that are very stable or very unstable display higher levels of corruption when compared with those in an intermediate range of stability. These results suggest that minimizing corruption may require an electoral system that features some re-election incentives, but with an eventual term limit.

De nombreux textes conventionnels et internationaux prévoient des dispositions de protection des populations non combattantes en temps de conflit armé. Parmi ces populations civiles, certains groupes sont considérés comme plus vulnérables, dont les femmes et les enfants, pour lesquels des protections spéciales sont prévues. Malgré ces dispositions particulières, ces populations continuent de subir des exactions en temps de guerre, par exemple le viol systématique et massif, ou l'utilisation d'enfants dans les combats.

La operación Plomo Fundido, lanzada por Israel contra la franja de Gaza, pretendía restaurar el poder de disuasión israelí, debilitar a Hamás y acentuar la división territorial y política palestina. Sin embargo, no es previsible que modifique la repartición de fuerzas sobre el terreno, ni tampoco que acelere un traspaso de la autoridad de Hamás a Fatah, dado que la popularidad del movimiento islamista ha aumentado mientras que la formación nacionalista parece haber retrocedido posiciones. La ofensiva contra Gaza buscaba, en palabras del presidente israelí Simón Peres, "dar una lección" a Hamás que, a pesar del boicot internacional y del bloqueo económico israelí, ha logrado conservar el gobierno en la franja. Tras 10 días de encarnizados bombardeos, el Consejo de Seguridad aprobó la resolución 1860 que llamaba a un alto el fuego inmediato. Israel declaró un alto el fuego unilateral el 17 de enero de 2009, tras firmar un memorando con EEUU que intensificaba la cooperación en la lucha contra el contrabando de armas hacia Gaza. Poco después, Hamás proclamó su "victoria" y también anunció la interrupción de las hostilidades. La posibilidad de que, a pesar de su elevado número de víctimas, el enfrentamiento termine sin vencedores ni perdedores es altamente probable. Pese a haber sufrido un elevado número de bajas, Hamás podría conservar el control de Gaza y, además, forzar la apertura de los pasos fronterizos para poner fin a la crisis humanitaria. Por su parte, Israel podría frenar el contrabando de armas a Hamás y conseguir una presencia internacional en la frontera con Egipto, pero deberá pagar un elevado precio por ello ya que la desproporcionalidad de su ofensiva ha socavado su imagen a nivel internacional. La viabilidad de este frágil alto el fuego dependerá del grado de implicación de la comunidad internacional no sólo en la resolución de esta crisis, sino también en la reactivación de las negociaciones de paz.

La guerra en plena campaña electoral de Israel contra Hamás en Gaza reaviva las tensiones en Oriente Próximo, reordena el tablero de la negociación palestino-israelí y empeora la imagen del país hebreo. El pasado 17 de enero concluyó mediante un alto el fuego unilateral decretado por Tel Aviv la guerra que Israel libró contra Hamás en Gaza. Esta operación, denominada Plomo Fundido y que comenzó el 27 de diciembre de 2008, fue justificada por Israel como respuesta a los ataques que el Movimiento de la Resistencia Islámica (Hamás) realizó sobre territorio israelí tras una tregua de seis meses. El objetivo de Israel de mermar todas las capacidades de Hamás llevó al país hebreo a efectuar una ofensiva total que ha puesto a Israel en la picota del debate público por la desmesura de sus actuaciones. Aún siendo una guerra ampliamente avalada por la sociedad israelí, no es menos cierto que tendrá consecuencias internas en el seno de la misma, sobre todo en la relación entre los árabes-israelíes y los judíos-israelíes. Además, la intervención en Gaza reordena la coyuntura en Oriente Próximo y condiciona las relaciones de Israel con sus vecinos y con la comunidad internacional.

Al-Qaeda está utilizando los recientes acontecimientos en Gaza para afirmar su idea de yihad global, favorecer una estrategia de movilización terrorista e incitar a la comisión de atentados contra blancos seleccionados. Osama bin Laden y Ayman al Zawahiri, líderes de al-Qaeda, al igual que Abu Musab Abdelwadoud, dirigente de al-Qaeda en el Magreb Islámico, se están sirviendo de la ofensiva israelí en Gaza y sus consecuencias para: (1) afirmar el carácter mundial de la contienda entre musulmanes e infieles en que aducen hallarse inmersos y en el marco de la cual sitúan esos acontecimientos; (2) para legitimar la yihad de índole terrorista que propugnan y favorecer su propia estrategia para movilizar recursos tanto entre la población palestina como en el conjunto del mundo islámico; y (3) para incitar a la comisión de atentados contra blancos seleccionados por su adscripción no sólo al mundo occidental sino también a una serie de regímenes árabes e incluso contra Naciones Unidas.

La corrupción ha sido un problema permanente a lo largo de la historia, no obstante, cualquier analista racional de los procesos sociales y políticos podría presumir que, en la actualidad, dados los avances sociales e institucionales, dicho fenómeno estaría en vías de reducirse significativamente.

This paper will mainly address Russian policy issues. The four areas mentioned above represent very different fields of the energy sector. The oil sector comprises a strongly business-oriented group of companies which are not highly politicised, in contrast to how they are often presented in the European mass media. The gas sector, by contrast, continues to be a major political tool of Russian foreign policy. The electricity sector is in the process of rapid liberalisation. Finally, the environmental dimension of energy policy is starting to make its presence felt in Russia's strategy.

This paper examines the current wave of US bilateral agreements with respect to their strategic and political value at the plurilateral level. The US government has explicitly recognized its objective of leveraging bilateral agreements in order to influence regional and multilateral negotiations. Although it may be too early to assess the full effectiveness of this US strategy, the paper argues that there are clear signs that the exploitation of bilateral agreements will not independently achieve the goal of strengthening plurilateral patent norms. This finding is supported by an assessment of six potential roads from bilateralism to plurilateralism: chain reaction, pressure for inclusion, coalition building, emulation, legal interpretation, and adherence. The assertion that bilateral trade deals have a great impact on international patent lawmaking, made both by proponents and critics of TRIPs-Plus agreements, is unsubstantiated. The author concludes that the US Government Accountability Office and Congress are justified in questioning whether the negotiation of these bilateral agreements, at least in the realm of IP law, is a wise investment of US Trade Representative's resources.

Companies have been witnessing major changes in their environment and environmental models have been developed aiming to improve their strategic planning. The objective of this study was to examine the environmental approach adopted by companies within the Pulp and Paper, Metallurgical and Sugar and Alcohol sectors, in order to evaluate their environmental performances. The analysis was based on a matrix which relates managerial functions with a set of environmental approaches and performance indicators, classifying the company environmental performance as weak, moderate or strong. The managerial functions approached in this model are: Management (General, Legal Affairs, Finance, Human Resources and Purchasing); Product and Process Development; Production and Maintenance; and Marketing. The analyzed indicators include: international insertion; capital origin and location. The pulp and paper and metallurgical companies obtained average scores of 54.5 and 51.56 points, respectively, being classified as having a strong environmental performance. On the other hand, the sugar and alcohol companies obtained average score of 46 points, being classified as moderate in environmental performance. The high level of environmental performance of pulp and paper and metallurgical companies can be attributed to the following factors: larger international insertion, presence of foreign capital in controlling shares, performance in the international market and company location near large population centers. Pulp and paper and mainly sugar and alcohol companies are less efficient in meeting the requirements of the environmental legislation, particularly those related to the conformity of permanent protected areas and legal reserves. ; As empresas têm presenciado transformações amplas no ambiente em que estão inseridas e, com o intuito de auxiliar no planejamento estratégico das empresas, têm sido desenvolvidos modelos ambientais. O objetivo desse estudo foi avaliar a conduta ambiental de empresas dos setores de Celulose e Papel, Siderúrgico e Sucroalcooleiro, de forma a verificar as suas performances em termos ambientais. Essa análise baseou-se em uma matriz que relaciona as funções gerenciais com um conjunto de indicadores de conduta e performance ambiental, classificando a conduta ambiental das empresas como fraca, intermediária ou forte. As funções gerenciais abordadas nesse modelo são: administração (Geral, Jurídica, Financeira, Recursos Humanos e Compras); Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento; Produção e Manutenção; e Marketing. Dentre os indicadores analisados destacam-se: inserção internacional; origem de capital e localização. As empresas de Celulose e Papel e Siderúrgicas apresentaram uma pontuação média de 54,50 e 51,56 pontos, respectivamente, sendo classificadas com uma conduta ambiental forte. Por outro lado, as empresas sucroalcooleiras apresentaram uma pontuação média de 46,00 pontos, que as classificaram com uma conduta ambiental intermediária. O nível mais elevado de performance ambiental apresentado pelas empresas dos setores de Celulose e Papel e Siderúrgico pode ser atribuído aos seguintes fatores: maior inserção internacional, presença de capital estrangeiro no controle acionário, atuação no mercado internacional e localização dessas empresas nas proximidades dos grandes centros populacionais. As empresas de Celulose e Papel e principalmente as sucroalcooleiras são menos eficientes no atendimento aos requisitos da legislação ambiental, particularmente quanto à conformidade das áreas de preservação permanente e de reserva legal.

OZET İnsan güvenliği, oldukça tartışmalı ve son zamanlarda uluslararası güvenlik alanında yeniden önem kazanmış bir kavramdır. Kavramın kendisi yeni olmamasına rağmen uluslararası çevrede meydana gelen değişiklikler kavramı hem akademik düzeyde hem de siyasal düzeyde yeniden tartışmaya açmıştır. Kavram, genel olarak BM'nin yapmış olduğu insanların temel özgürlükleri ve korunmaları ekseninde tanımlanmıştır. Buna göre, yokluktan arî olmak ve korkudan arî olmak gibi iki temel özgürlük ekseninde beliren kavram, birinci tanımlamada kalkınma ekseninde ikinci tanımlamada ise saldırı ve tehdit unsurlarından korunma olarak ifade edilmiştir. Bu tezin temel argümanı, öncelik insan güvenliği kavramının 'yokluktan arî olma' kısmına verildiğinde- ki bu insan onuru, insan yaşamının devamı ve insan potansiyelinin geliştirilmesi anlamına gelmektedir- Avrupa Birliği (AB) kalkınma ekseninde gerçekleştirdiği çalışmalar neticesinde uluslararası arenada insan güvenliği konusunda uluslararası işbirliğini sağlayabilecek küresel bir lider konumundadır. Kısaca söylemek gerekirse, AB'nin insani kalkınma konusunda yıllarca gösterdiği çabalar, özellikle insan haklarına saygı, demokratikleşme, liberalizasyon, hukukun üstünlüğü, iyi yönetişim ve çevresel koruma gibi alanlarda başarılı bir örnek olarak görülmektedir. Ancak, insan hayatına yönelik ani ve tahmin edilemez tehditler karşısında bir başka deyişle insan güvenliğinin 'korkudan ari olma' kısmında ise AB nispeten zayıf ve daha az aktif bir aktör olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Bu nedenle özellikle kriz yönetimi ve kriz anlarında anında müdahale gibi konularda AB'nin Avrupa Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikası (AGSP) ve Ortak Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikası (OGSP) alanlarında kapasitesini iyileştirmesi gerekmektedir. ABSTRACTHuman security is a highly debated concept which has recently regained attention in the international security agenda. The concept itself is not a new one; however the changes in the international environment made the concept to be re-interpreted and discussed thoroughly both at the academic and the political level. The concept is mainly identified through the UN definition of the basic freedoms for the protection and empowerment of individuals. There are two main components of the human security; the freedom from want and freedom from fear. While the first one mainly deals with the development aspect of human beings and the latter is all about the protection of individuals from vital and pervasive threats. The main argument of this thesis is that when the prior attention is given mostly to the 'freedom from want' part of human security, the support of human dignity, human survival and increasing of human potential and human betterment, the EU in the field of development can be a leading actor in order to stimulate international support. Thus, it is argued that for many years that the EU has shown a great endeavour to sustain and spread the values that it appreciates the most for human development, such as the respect for human rights, democracy, liberalisation, good governance, the rule of law and environmental protection. However, it can also be argued that the EU is rather less active in the field of 'freedom from fear' which is mostly related with the sudden and pervasive threats to the human lives. There are many efforts are needed under the CFSP and ESDP pillars to improve the EU's role in the 'freedom from fear' aspect of human security.

This paper responds to the defences of "culture" and "development" rights as justifications for exceptionalism in human rights obligations in Southeast Asia, particularly against the context of the passage of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Charter. Under the new ASEAN Charter, Member States have the general obligation to abide by the Organizational Principles of "adherence to the rule of law, good governance, the principles of democracy and constitutional government", as well as "respect for fundamental freedoms, the promotion and protection of human rights, and the promotion of social justice". More importantly, it is now the specific obligation of ASEAN Member States to "take all necessary measures, including the enactment of appropriate domestic legislation, to effectively implement the provisions of the Charter and to comply with all obligations of membership", including the above-stated Organizational Principles. The paper shows the normative, conceptual, and empirical weaknesses of the "culture" and "development" justifications for creating exceptions to the observance and protection of core human rights norms. Assessing the right to culture as an exception to human rights observance, the paper asserts the ideological imprecision of the "right to culture" as an exception to human rights observance, noting that the porous definition of "culture" should not be equally valued in its assertion against core human rights norms which form part of general international law (e.g. jus cogens prohibitions, crimes against humanity, war crimes, egregious violations of human rights, obligations erga omnes) and which can be modified only by a subsequent norm of the same character. The cultural exception also suffers from teleological incoherence, since the protection of core human rights norms bears a greater immediacy and proximity to human dignity and personhood – a fundamental value that should be more conceptually valuable than the porous construct of culture. Turning to the "right to development" as an exception to human rights observance, the paper contends that there is empirical uncertainty and/or indeterminacy in the concept of "development" that undermines its legal-philosophical value as an exception to human rights observance. Moreover, contrary to the assertions of development exceptionalism to human rights observance, there is no linearity in the claim that human rights protection "impedes" development. Rather, as shown in recent economic analysis, there is a stronger claim for human rights protection as a necessary precondition for development. Further reinforcing these refutations of "culture" and "development" justifications for human rights exceptionalism is, however, the emergence of a customary international law norm rejecting impunity for serious violations of human rights (specifically, civil and political rights), which has gained recognition from the forty-year independent practice (primarily seen in treaty ratifications and implementation) of Southeast Asian states. Despite variances in the degree of ASEAN Member States' practices, there is at least consistent opinio juris that redress for serious human rights violations should not be met with non liquet in remedial processes, whether domestic or international. The passage of the ASEAN Charter therefore marks a convergence of ASEAN towards "universalizing" core human rights norms as now seen in its Organizational Principles and the new requirements of ASEAN membership obligations. ; peerReviewed