What we today call the international system was created by the West from early modern age. This term is often used in political theory, but less focused on how to classify integrative forces within the international system. In the context of this study, we are attempting to lay down some conceptual basis. How do we understand the linking and unifying factors within the international system? Initially, the emergence of the international system was largely attributed to political factors in theory, but we can also refer to other explanatory principles: one considers economic factors and civilizational factors are taken into consideration as essential aspects of the international structures. According to our viewpoint, inter-civilization dialogue seems to be a "third way" that goes beyond the expansive one-sidedness of Western universalism and the world-level confrontation of hostile civilizations. This "civilizational approach" incorporates the two previous aspects - economic and political - and this is what gives its importance. In our view, inter-civilization dialogue is the only viable way to create global ethos, and only the resulting "intellectual revolution" can make national and supranational economic and political institutions to operate in effective way under the conditions of globalization.
This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.
Tanulmányunk a nemzetközi rendszer átalakulásával foglalkozik, azt Polányi kettős mozgásának a nemzetközi politikai gazdaságtan három vizsgálati szintjére (rendszer szintje, nemzetállam szintje, ideák szintje) való kiterjesztésével mutatja be. A cél annak az ingamozgásnak a bemutatása, mely az önszabályozó piac és a Bretton Woodsi "beágyazott liberalizmus" között írható le. Bemutatjuk azt is, hogy a populista pártok napjainkban megfigyelhető növekvő népszerűsége a piacosító folyamatokkal szembeni ellenmozgásként értelmezhető. = Our paper examines the transformation of the international economic system. We examine the process of Polanyi's double movement on the three levels of analysis of the international political economy: systemic, domestic and cognitive. Our aim is to show that during the development of the international system a certain pendulum is present which swings between the idea of the self-regulating market and 'the embedded liberalism' of the Bretton Woods System. We will also show, that the increasing popularity of populist political parties might be also understood as a countermovement against forces of marketization.
Domestic and international research reveal the following fact: sometimes there are false identity parades behind justizmord cases. So, there is a crucial meaning of the legally and criminalistically correct implementation of the proofing act. In the light of this, the study examines its types, delimitation from confrontation, criteria, and tactical requirements.
This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.
The present case study points to the arguments of those lawsuits that lasted for years, which resulted multilingual town nameplates on the city limits of Cluj-Napoca, after decades of omissions. In addition to describing the related rules of both domestic and international law, the study not only explores the legal arguments developed on the basis of them but also points out the controversial points of the regulation and the omissions of the Cluj-Napoca municipality. It also presents the activities of civic initiatives and organizations that, in addition to legal conditions and mere statistics, demonstrate a real societal need for multicultural cooperation and peaceful coexistence.
After the transformation to democracy and market economy the Visegrad Four (V4) countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) have rejoined the group of donors providing international development assistance to poor emerging countries. The aim of the paper is to help to better understand the foreign aid policy and practice of the V4 countries and their contribution to the development of the poor emerging countries by providing foreign aid for them. The main research questions focus on the following issues: What is the history and the major motif of the V4 countries for providing foreign aid? Which are the most preferred beneficiary countries and why? How much foreign aid and in what area is provided? How does it relate to other international donors? What does it mean to the recipient countries? Are there similarities or differences between the V4 countries in this respect? What are the major features distinguishing V4 donors from others? What kind of challenges and opportunities can arise? The hypotheses of the research to be tested are as follows: 1. Providing foreign aid by the V4 countries has its roots in the past regime which still has an influence on the present practice. 2. The V4 countries represent a special model for development cooperation with the aid recipient countries. 3. The major motif of the V4 countries for providing foreign aid was to support the geopolitical interest of the ex "Soviet Block", while after the change of the regime the aspiration of the V4 countries shifted towards gaining economic benefits from the cooperation with the aid recipient countries. The method of the research is literature review related to development theory and foreign aid as well as statistical analysis based on data on Official Development Assistance (ODA). Results prove the hypotheses.
Administrative procedures, as well as public bodies that carry out these procedures, ought to perform functions related to the application of administrative law in a constantly changing social, economic, and political environment. This presents them with new challenges and expectations time and time again. According to the findings of the this study, the relation of transparency and administrative procedures – which could be described as a type of historically rooted but, at the same time, contemporary expectation towards public administration – fits in the above concept. The study attempts to interpret and define the concept of transparency on the basis of the terminology used by international organisations in the field of the examination of administrative procedures, and thus to highlight the issues, divergences and their causes.
Considering the recent series of events and intensified diplomatic and economic relations, many experts envisage a new Cold War between the two superpowers of the twenty-first century. Although the Chinese-American relationship over the last half-century has experienced some great moments, it has mostly been characterised by less amicable or even hostile attitudes, as well as economically volatile competition. The pragmatic realist approach and diplomatic appeasement of the 1970s and 1980s served mutual interests for the two countries against their common foe, the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, concerning their political values and visions, the democratic US and the Marxist-Maoist People's Republic of China have proven to be two irreconcilable political and social experiments, worlds apart from each other's spheres and paradigms. Within the context of the drastically altered global political milieu of the new millennium, the two great powers have manoeuvred themselves into heated confrontational positions over the last decade, not even excluding the possibility of a severe clash of interests in the future.
Food security for the world's growing population is one of the biggest challenges of the future due to resource constraints and global climate change. Fish and other aquatic foods can play a prominent role in the food supply, especially as the ecological footprint of aquaculture is smaller than that of other food production systems. Although the production of marine aquaculture shows an increasing trend, freshwater aquaculture remains dominant in world aquaculture production, especially in developing countries. The resilience of developing countries to the future challenges in food production is very low, so many international projects are trying to improve the situation. Laos is one of the least developed countries of the world, where aquaculture plays an important role in fish supply and employment. In Laos, several international projects are addressed to develop the agricultural economy and food supply, but Hungary is one of the largest donors in this field, given the traditional agricultural relations and strategic cooperation between the two countries. Although the abundance of aquatic resources provides a good opportunity for the development of fisheries and aquaculture in Laos, the growth of the fishery sector is hampered by several factors. These include the lack of good quality stocking material and fish feed, the underdeveloped infrastructure and institutional system, funding problems and weak human resources. The main purpose of the tied aid loans provided by the Hungarian government to Laos is to improve food safety and food security. The development of the fish value chain plays an important role in these programs, which can be considered as a good example even on international level. Hungarian projects also help Hungarian institutions and small and medium-sized enterprises to strengthen their presence in Southeast Asia, that is a region of the world where economy is developing in a dynamic way. ; A világ növekvő népességének élelmiszerellátása a jövő egyik nagy kihívása tekintettel az erőforrások szűkösségére és a globális klímaváltozásra. A hal és más vízi élelmiszerek kiemelkedő szerepet játszhatnak az élelmiszerellátásban különös tekintettel arra, hogy az akvakultúra ökológiai lábnyoma lényegesen kisebb, mint más élelmiszertermelő rendszereké. Bár a tengeri akvakultúra termelése növekvő tendenciát mutat, a világ akvakultúra termelésében meghatározó marad az édesvízi élőlények termelése, különösen a fejlődő országokban. A világ szegényebb országai élelmiszertermelésének a jövőbeni kihívásokkal szembeni ellenállóképessége igen gyenge, ezért számos nemzetközi projekt próbál a helyzeten javítani. A világ legfejletlenebb országai közé tartozik Laosz, ahol az akvakultúrának fontos szerepe van a halellátásban és a foglalkoztatásban. Laoszban több nemzetközi projekt segíti az agrárgazdaság és az élelmiszerellátás fejlesztését, azonban Magyarország az egyik legnagyobb donor e területen, tekintettel a két ország közötti hagyományos agrár kapcsolatokra és a stratégiai együttműködésre. Laoszban a gazdag vízi erőforrások jó lehetőséget biztosítanak a halászat és az akvakultúra fejlesztésére, azonban a lehetőségek kihasználását számos tényező nehezíti. Olyanok, mint például a minőségi ivadék- és takarmányellátás hiánya, a fejletlen infrastruktúra és intézményrendszer, a finanszírozási problémák, illetve a képzett munkaerő hiánya. A magyar kormány által Laosz számára biztosított kötött segélyhitelek kiemelt célja az élelmiszerbiztonság és az élelmiszerellátás biztonságának javítása. E programokban a hal értéklánc fejlesztésének fontos szerepe van, amely nemzetközileg is példaértékű. A magyar projektek segítik azt is, hogy magyar intézmények, illetve kis- és közepes vállalkozások erősíthetik jelenlétüket Délkelet Ázsiában, amelyik a világ egy gazdaságilag dinamikusan fejlődő régiója.
The present study follows the relationship between the employer brand identity of Romanian IT companies and the employee expectations of the workforce employed in the IT sector. The expectations of employees interested in the Romanian IT sector were summarized on the basis of a review of the international and Romanian literature. The examination of the employer brand identity of Romanian IT companies was based on a combined content analysis of the websites of 110 Romanian IT companies. Based on the analysis, it can be concluded that the talented workforce is looking for a job where its employee expectations are met to the greatest extent. Results also show that almost half of the Romanian IT companies barely take into account employee needs from different segments of the workforce. The study can be a starting point for brand managers working on employer brand design and development in the IT sector.
The study examines some recent developments in Hungarian higher education funding with some historical and international outlook. Its purpose is to present the causes of the anomalies that we are experiencing today (such anomalies include, for example, new institutional indebtedness and their central support, as well as instructor layoffs at some universities, and a sudden increase in tuition fees). The anomalies are surprising because, according to the government, the introduction of the Chancellor's system was successful in consolidating higher education. The paper states that the last ten years of Hungarian higher education were characterized by the transformation of the financing system, in addition to the reduction of state resources. In international comparison, the government support for domestic higher education compared to GDP is significantly below the average of developed countries. The government tried to deal with institutional management difficulties and indebtedness with the introduction of the Chancellor's system. (which drastically reduced autonomy), and by providing ad hoc, hand-guided cash grants. However, the financial condition of the institutions is permanently bad, which is obviously at the expense of quality, as the institutions are forced to dismiss older and more experienced trainers, and the conditions of education also deteriorate. Without widening public resources and widening economic freedom, the situation will continue to deteriorate. It is becoming increasingly evident that the idea of a government strategy to make Hungarian higher education institutions world-class is unrealistic. ; A tanulmány a hazai felsőoktatás-finanszírozás néhány újabb történését vizsgálja meg, némi történelmi és nemzetközi kitekintéssel. Célja bemutatni azt, hogy a napjainkban tapasztalható anomáliák – mint például az újabb intézményi eladósodások és azok központi kisegítése (miközben a kancellári rendszer bevezetésével állítólag sikeres volt a felsőoktatás konszolidációja), elbocsátások egyes tudományegyetemeken, hirtelen tandíjemelés – mire vezethetők vissza. Az írás megállapítja, hogy a hazai felsőoktatás elmúlt tíz évét az állami források beszűkülése mellett a finanszírozási rendszer átalakulása jellemezte. Nemzetközi összehasonlításban a hazai felsőoktatás kormányzati forrásai (az állami támogatások aránya a GDP-hez viszonyítva) jelentősen elmaradnak a fejlett országok átlagától. A mindezek nyomán kialakult intézményi gazdálkodási nehézségeket a kormány a kancellári rendszer bevezetésével – s ezzel együtt a gazdasági autonómia radikális és az akadémiai (oktatási és kutatási) autonómia vele járó nem jelentéktelen korlátozásával –, valamint eseti, kézzel vezérelt konszolidációs pénzosztogatással próbálta kezelni. Az intézmények kondicionális helyzete azonban tartósan rossz, ami nyilvánvalóan a minőség rovására megy, hiszen az intézmények az idősebb és tapasztaltabb oktatók elbocsátására kényszerülnek, és az oktatás feltételei is romlanak. Félő, hogy az állami források bővülése és a gazdálkodási szabadság kiszélesítése nélkül a helyzet tovább romlik. Egyre nyilvánvalóbban irreálissá válik a kormányzati stratégiának nevezett anyag azon célkitűzése, amely szerint minden magyar felsőoktatási intézmény világszínvonalú kell legyen azokban a diszciplínákban, amelyek a saját kiemelt területéhez tartoznak.
Jelen írás célja, hogy most, amikor a felsőoktatás és annak átalakulása, átalakítása központi témává vált hazai és európai szinten egyaránt, áttekintést nyújtson a Bologna-folyamatról, kitérve annak előzményeire, kiváltó okaira is. Releváns szakirodalmak és a felsőoktatási miniszterek találkozóin elfogadott nemzetközi dokumentumok segítségével feleleveníti a folyamat főbb állomásait, kiemelve a főbb trendeket, irányvonalakat és prioritásokat. Kitér az Európai Felsőoktatási Térség legjelentősebb felsőoktatási szervezeteire, azok létrejöttére, főbb feladataira, továbbá a folyamat nyomonkövetése érdekében tett erőfeszítésekre, az elért eredményekre, egyes aktuális trendekre, valamint a jövő kihívásaira. = The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the Bologna process, including its antecedents and causes, now that higher education and its transformation has become a central topic at both Hungarian and European levels. It revives the main stages of the process with the help of relevant literature and international documents adopted at the meetings of the Ministers of Higher Education, highlighting the main trends, directions and priorities. It covers the most important higher education organisations in the European Higher Education Area, their establishment, their main tasks, furthermore the efforts made to monitor the process, the results achieved, some current trends and future challenges.
In our study, we attempt to provide a broad picture about the views of those authors who assessed the nationality concept of Ferenc Deák and József Eötvös, and through this analysis we would clarify how diverse approaches of the same issue might exist within the academic literature. We rely on the main relevant sources drafted under different political regimes: from the dualist period, Béla Grünwald, Lajos Mocsáry, and Oszkár Jászi are highlighted; from the era between the two world wars, Gyula Szekfű, Imre Mikó, and Kálmán Molnár will be cited; while the communist approach would be represented by Erzsébet Fazekas and Gábor Kemény G. Apart from the most influential Hungarian scholars, some authors from the neighbouring countries and the mainstream contemporary international literature on the status of national minorities will be also referred to. The core of our research is not the evaluation of the 1868 Act on nationalities or its application itself but the ex-post assessment of the political nation concept provided by Deák and Eötvös, which was a point of reference for the whole contemporary Hungarian political community and which also determined the logic of the 1868 Act on nationalities.
During the Cold War, the Philippines was an indispensable US ally, and this was still basically the case at the turn of the 21st century. However, the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte in June 2016 heralded great changes for the international position of the Philippines: a shift towards China and Russia occurred, followed by the emergence of a more balanced foreign policy. The partnership with the US has changed, too: during the Obama administration, the relationship between the two countries became cooler, although the foundations of the alliance were never contested. In the wake of Donald Trump's assumption of office in January 2017, the alliance seems to have become as strong as before, and economic as well as security-military cooperation has continued. The author's aim is to analyze the Philippines' position in the US-led world order from 1945 to the present, as well as the foundations of the United States–Philippines special relationship. After that the main components of Duterte's "independent" foreign policy and the fundamental changes in the Philippines' foreign relations are presented. The analysis focuses on the causes of the conflict at the end of Barack Obama's presidency, followed by the improving partnership during the Trump era and the main geopolitical challenges the alliance has had to face. According to its conclusion the US–Philippines security cooperation will remain strong under Presidents Duterte and Trump due to strategic considerations, which indicate the military alliance is in the interests of both nations.