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Politická participace a její determinanty v postkomunistických zemích
In: Sociologický časopis / Czech Sociological Review, Band 45, Heft 5
The article focuses on the differences in political participation among post-communist countries. First, it explores the variation in the level of political participation among post-communist states. Second, it deals with the differences in the determinants that account for political participation in individual countries. The second objective is met by introducing a three-dimensional explanatory model of political participation: individual resources, motivations, and social networks. In an empirical analysis political participation in nine post-communist countries is examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme 2004. Results show that the countries under study vary in the level of political participation both at the aggregate and individual levels. The most active citizens are in the former East Germany and Slovakia. Polish and Hungarian citizens participate in politics the least. Further, two modes of political participation – protest activity and contacting – are identified and used as dependent variables in further analysis. In the second part of the article, the explanatory model is tested against data from individual countries. The analysis shows that there is a difference in the factors that account for political participation in various post-communist countries. Generally, the three-level model of political participation works best in Hungary, Bulgaria, and East Germany. It explains very little variation in Russia and Poland.
Nastin teoreticke typologie antisystemovych akteru
In: Politologický časopis, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 148-167
ISSN: 1211-3247
The category of antisystemic actors is employed relatively often in political science. The aim of this article is two-fold. First, it criticizes the contemporary usage of "antisystemicity" as too self-contained an analytical concept. In order to demonstrate this, two key theoretical traditions of the term -- G. Sartori's classification of party systems & world-systemic ("Wallersteinian") research of international political economy & its challengers -- are described, analyzed & mutually compared. Their understanding of antisystemic protest is depicted in order to show some shortcomings & inadequacies of their usage of this category. Second, the article strives to theoretically & formally unfold, integrate & further develop the concept of antisystemic contention in order to clarify the modes of its usages for socio-political reality. This inquiry consists of analyses of three key factors of antisystemic collective action -- ie., its object, subject & relations in-between. The analysis of object is basically grounded in Luhmann's neofunctionalist theory of modernization. Based on a systems theory analysis of society, the article proceeds to grasp the subject-actor as a general & case insensitive category, thus connecting existing concepts of antisystemic political subjects. Further analyzed dimensions of antisystemic protest are its goals & forms of action, but also its penetration by politics & economy. In conclusion, a general three-dimensional typology of antisystemic collective action is drawn from preceding analyses & offered as a methodological tool for empirical research of political contention. Adapted from the source document.
Politicka participace cizincu v Ceske republice
In: Politologický časopis, Band 19, Heft 2, S. 113-127
ISSN: 1211-3247
Traditionally, political rights are an important component of the relationship between the state and its citizens, and therefore only citizens are entitled to bear them. Nevertheless, due to international migration this approach is subject to change and nowadays many countries give voting rights also to foreigners who are resident there. The attitude of the Czech Republic has so far been conservative, which means that only the minimum standard enacted by European law is accommodated. However, preparatory work on a new electoral code has given rise to a discussion on the possible extension of voting rights also to foreigners from third countries resident in the country. This article tries to enhance the discussion in three ways. The first part consists of an analysis of what the potential percentage of foreign voters is, taking into consideration their geographic distribution in particular municipalities and thus providing an estimate of their influence on local councils. According to the results, potential foreign voters form a relevant minority only in 11 out of 6251 municipalities. The second part is focused on the actual exercise of voting rights by European citizens resident in the Czech Republic, who have it already. A representative survey conducted on a sample of 5% of municipalities shows that the turnout of these voters is negligible (approx. 2.4%), far below the EU average. The last part of the article deals with the legislation in this area which causes crucial obstacles to the real exercise of political rights by foreigners, and therefore is incompatible with the European law. Adapted from the source document.
Hitler namísto hippokrata: nacistická etika a morálka, humanitární hodnoty a válečné zdravotnictví ve světle poměrů na okupovaném území českých zemí, 1939-1945
In: Studie Národohospodářského Ústavu Josefa Hlávky 2022, 1
Mezinárodní dezinformace: černá propaganda, aktivní opatření a tajné akce
In: Edice Archiv 81
In: Edice Archiv sv. 81
Drahy vylet NATO smerem na vychod
In: Střední Evropa: revue pro středoevropskou kulturu a politiku, Band 14, Heft 78, S. 109-115
ISSN: 0862-691X
Die Autoren befassen sich mit der Frage nach den finanziellen Kosten der NATO-Osterweiterung und deren Verteilung zwischen den bestehenden und den neuen Allianzmitgliedern. Hierzu ziehen sie drei wichtige Studien heran: den Bericht des Haushaltsausschusses des US- Kongresses, den der RAND-Corporation und den Pentagon- Bericht für den Kongress. Im krassen Unterschied zu den ersten Schätzungen der NATO, die sich auf höchstens 2 Milliarden Dollars beliefen, rechnen die besagten Studien mit weitaus höheren, in einem Fall mit bis 60mal höheren Kosten. Ähnliche Differenzen gäbe es auch bezüglich der Kostenverteilung. Die Autoren gehen davon aus, dass selbst die höchsten Schätzungen zu niedrig angesetzt sind, und dass die Kostenverteilung riesige Probleme aufwirft.(BIOst-Hrs)
World Affairs Online
Euro a narod
In: Střední Evropa: revue pro středoevropskou kulturu a politiku, Band 12, Heft 60, S. 15-22
ISSN: 0862-691X
Der Autor stellt Überlegungen über die Bedeutung eigener nationaler Währung für die nationale Identität und Souverenität an. Ausführlich befaßt er sich mit dem hohen Stellenwert der DM für die Deutschen. Ihr Stolz auf die DM gründe insb. darauf, daß diese zum Symbol des Aufstiegs aus den Trümmern geworden ist; zudem wurde sie seit 1948 nie devalviert, und gegenüber dem britischen Pfund weist sie derzeit einen fünffachen Wert aus. Daher der verbreitete Unmut über das Euro. Ungeachtet ambivalenter Implikationen des Abschieds von nationalen Währungen spricht sich der Verfasser dafür, die einheitliche Währung als einen weiteren Schritt zur Föderation europäischer Staaten aufzufassßen und tatkräftig zu nutzen. (BIOst-Hrs)
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Menova politika: kratkodoba stabilizace versus dlouhodoba rizika
In: Politická ekonomie: teorie, modelování, aplikace, Band 62, Heft 1
ISSN: 0032-3233
Central banks of major advanced economies have already started their sixth year of the greatest ever experiment in monetary policy at place. First, special measures were taken to prevent collapse of financial intermediation. At the same time main policy rates were cut down to historical lows hitting the zero lower bound quite soon after the onset of the financial crisis. After that central banks realised various unconventional measures in order to support their weak economies. While exceptional instruments aimed at restoring financial markets seem to have been inevitable to avert a collapse of a much greater magnitude in the short run, some other measures have remained disputable. Not only had these measures limited effectiveness in restoring stronger and sustainable economic growth, but concerns have also been raised recently about their unintended consequences. These side-effects concern not only domestic economies but international spillovers on many vulnerable less advanced and/or developing economies have been evident. Moreover, potential risks of the unprecedented measures may start to act fully in a longer horizon. Quantitative easing has led to enormous increases in balance sheets of the Fed, the BoE and ECB; however structural differences on the asset side have been evident. Main challenge for major central banks thus seems to be the right timing and structure of inevitable exit strategies in the near future so that a smooth exit with minimal side effects could be guaranteed. Adapted from the source document.
Česká média a zahraniční politika: v hradním stínu a zajetí emocí ; Czech Media and Foreign Policy: Emotions and Domestic Narratives
On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and topics covered, the Czech media produce a considerably restricted and more or less uniform stream of news commented upon by a relatively limited spectrum of actors, mainly Czech politicians. For non-political, non-governmental, and international actors, access to the debate is considerably limited. The print media tends to present major political events as power-based conflicts between individuals or groups, rather than as negotiations about public affairs supported by substantive arguments. In effect, Habermas's classical vision of the role of mass media in democracy, which is to promote rational discussion as a desirable form of public debate, is replaced with persuasion through emotional appeal, which has been widely criticised. At the same time, however, some theoretical traditions see it more positively as a less restrictive form of public discourse. ; On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and ...
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Současné politické konflikty v oblasti Afrického rohu
In: Historická sociologie / Historical Sociology, Heft 1-2, S. 49-74
Violent conflict is very old in human society. The development of military technology brought with itself the worst tragedies loss of human live and material devastation in the second half of 20th century in the Horn of Africa. This region is one of the centers of various political violent conflicts in the world, according to length of these violent conflicts, the number of death of people, mainly civilian, refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP). This study elucidates the root causes of long wars in the Horn of Africa focusing mainly on South Sudan and Somalia. It also illustrates how the Super Powers during the Cold War helped their client states to prolong the suffering of people in the region. When Socialist system disappeared from Eastern Europe, Mengistu Haile Mariam's and Siyad Barre's regime ignominiously collapsed. In Ethiopia Amhara power elite, who ruled the Empire state from 1889 to 1991 lost their state power and Tigrian guerrilla fighters captured it through the power of the gun, Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia, South Sudan is emerging from long heinous war to independence. The violent conflict in Somalia transformed after the old regime demise in 1991 and the new leaders unable to build new central government. Somalia is fragmented and became the good example of failed state in the theory of contemporary political sociology. The paper tries to explain these complex violent conflicts in this part of Africa.
Odorik z Pordenone: from Venice to Peking and back
In: Colloquia Mediaevalia Pragensia 10