Suchergebnisse

There is no international bankruptcy law, but only the national bankruptcy laws of various states. The failure of a multinational firm therefore raises difficult questions of conflict and cooperation among national bankruptcy regimes. Theorists have proposed various reforms to the uncoordinated territorial approach that most states pursue when a multinational firm suffers financial distress. Among these reform proposals, universalism has long been the dominant idea. Under universalism, the bankruptcy regime of the debtor firm's home country would govern, and that regime would have extraterritorial reach to treat all of the debtor's assets and claimants worldwide. Despite its conceptual dominance, universalism has yet to find vindication in any concrete policy enactments. No universalist arrangements exist. While recent challenges to universalism have emerged, the current lively debate over universalism and rival proposals focuses almost exclusively on their comparative efficiencies. This article provides an entirely new perspective. Applying insights from elementary game theory and international relations theory, I show that universalism is politically implausible. Even for states interested in establishing universalist arrangements, they will be unable to do so. They will find themselves caught in a prisoners' dilemma with no ready solution. I conclude therefore that universalism holds only dubious promise as a prescription for international bankruptcy cooperation.

The global economy has in recent years been characterized among other things by large imbalances between countries and regions, capital flow volatility, and large reserve accumulation by several countries, in some cases well beyond any reasonable measure of reserve adequacy. The global imbalances were most clearly reflected in large current account deficits in the US and large current account surpluses in many emerging market economies in Asia and elsewhere. The surpluses were in at least some cases the result of aggressive export oriented policies and limited exchange rate flexibility. Persistent large imbalances are themselves a potential source of disruptive developments, and the policies of the largest reserve accumulators are likely to have played a role in creating the conditions that brought about the global financial crisis. The report of a high level EU group of experts concluded among other things that ―credit expansion in the US was financed by massive capital inflows from the major emerging countries with external surpluses, notably China. By pegging their currencies to the dollar, China and other economies such as Saudi Arabia in practice imported loose US monetary policy, thus allowing global imbalances to build up. Current account surpluses in these countries were recycled into US government securities and other lower-risk assets, depressing their yields and encouraging other investors to search for higher yields from more risky assets. In this environment of plentiful liquidity and low returns, investors actively sought higher yields and went searching for opportunities. Risk became mis-priced.

The global economy has in recent years been characterized among other things by large imbalances between countries and regions, capital flow volatility, and large reserve accumulation by several countries, in some cases well beyond any reasonable measure of reserve adequacy. The global imbalances were most clearly reflected in large current account deficits in the US and large current account surpluses in many emerging market economies in Asia and elsewhere. The surpluses were in at least some cases the result of aggressive export oriented policies and limited exchange rate flexibility. Persistent large imbalances are themselves a potential source of disruptive developments, and the policies of the largest reserve accumulators are likely to have played a role in creating the conditions that brought about the global financial crisis. The report of a high level EU group of experts concluded among other things that -credit expansion in the US was financed by massive capital inflows from the major emerging countries with external surpluses, notably China. By pegging their currencies to the dollar, China and other economies such as Saudi Arabia in practice imported loose US monetary policy, thus allowing global imbalances to build up. Current account surpluses in these countries were recycled into US government securities and other lower-risk assets, depressing their yields and encouraging other investors to search for higher yields from more risky assets. In this environment of plentiful liquidity and low returns, investors actively sought higher yields and went searching for opportunities. Risk became mis-priced.

This paper addresses the puzzle of why, and under what conditions, international organizations cease to exist. International relations literature offers rich explanations for the creation, design and effectiveness of international institutions and organizations, but surprisingly little effort has gone into studying the dynamics of IO termination. Yet if we want to understand why and under what conditions international organizations endure, we must also explain why they often fail to do so. The present paper formulates and tests theoretical conjectures about IO termination using a combination of statistical analysis and historical case studies. My analysis is based on an original dataset covering the period 1815-2016. I find that exogenous shocks is a leading proximate cause of IO deaths since 1815 but that international organizations that are well-established, have large memberships and technical mandates have higher survival rates. My analysis leads me to suggest a number of refinements to existing theories institutional robustness.

Changes in the role of collective action at the international level, in the international economic environment, and, most importantly, our better understanding of economics in general require that we rethink the role of international financial institutions (IFIs). For multilateral development banks like the World Bank, their central mission, the promotion of growth and the reduction of poverty, is clear. The steps toward fulfilling this mission in a changing world are also relatively clear, and many of these institutions have already begun processes of renewal. But all of the IFIs have, in one way or another, also been involved in crisis management, especially in recent years. Here, future roles are less clear because they depend on the redefinition of the international financial architecture - a redefinition that has been hotly debated, but has not yet crystallised into a shared vision. The theoretical underpinnings - as well as the practical implementation - of alternative visions will require far more development before clarity on a future role will be attained. In this essay, I will address these questions from the perspective of the theory of international public goods, which is a powerful way to organise our thinking both on why we have IFIs in the first place, and the role that they should play in a changing world.

1 Introduction – An Empirical-Normative Turn in Research on Legalization 2 Legalizing International Relations 3 Democratic Participation in International Institutions 4 Legalization, Democracy, and Politics – A Harmonious or Tension-Ridden Relationship? 5 Methodology 6 Biotechnological Patents – Regulation, Interests, and Affectedness 7 Empirical Analysis of Legalization across International Institutions – Selective Expansion with the Handbrake On 8 Empirical Analysis of Democratic Participation in International Institutions – Undemocratic Trends to Different Extents 9 Legalization's (Un)Democratic Forces at Work 10 Conclusion – Laying Down the Law Appendix Bibliography ; A deeper understanding of international legalization's effect on democratic participation in international institutions is urgently needed. Policies that were formerly regulated within the domestic context have been subjected to international law (IL). This has resulted in a growing number of international agreements and bodies. Some of these institutions gained new legal quality in terms of their legal obligations, procedural rules, and dispute settlement. With this trend of growing international legalization, also the normative expectations of IL have increased. In particular the key standard of democratic participation has to be met by international institutions to be considered legitimate in the long run. This crucial relationship between international legalization and democratic participation has been neither systematically theorized nor empirically researched so far. The project forms part of a larger research strand on the interplay between law, politics, and democracy. By introducing a model of legalization's structure-inherent and actor-dependent effects, I demonstrate that legalization's costs cause powerful actors to restrict democratic participation in highly legalized international institutions. Only a formalization of membership rules tends to have a positive impact on democratic access. Biotechnological patents serve as field of ...

The article is devoted to the examination of the formation of new vectors for international relations development within the global format of cooperation. The establishment and unification of BRICS in the international legal sphere through a wide range of common interests and views of its members towards issues facing the modern world reflect objective tendencies of world development to the formation of amultipolar international relations system and determination of particular large country actors of broad integration and having many dimensions. The authors reveal particular characteristics of the international-legal status of BRICS, which make it possible to have an effective impact on challenges facing the modern world. The legal BRICS status differs crucially from traditional legal approaches to international organizations. Acting as a special subject of world politics, creating more trusted interaction conditions, BRICS focuses its attention on the alternative world order principles within the new model of global relations. Such a format of multilateral cooperation, as well as more trusted and additional mechanisms of international interaction, gives the members an opportunity to demonstrate their geopolitical and geoeconomic world significance, and in addition their demanded humanitarian role, which, as the analysis of the mentioned actor demonstrates, is aimed at forming its own interaction model. The logic of the BRICS agenda extension to the level of an important global management system element demonstrates the goal in the field of action and, accordingly, intensive progress of humanitarian imperatives. For these humanitarian imperatives, the issues of international peacekeeping, security, protection, encouraging human rights and providing stable development are an objective necessity, especially for active demonstration of the members' viewpoints on the international scene. For understanding the process of the alignment of international security humanitarian imperatives it is necessary to study the existing objective needs in conjunction with each country, member of BRICS.

A critical intervention in international communications, in which an array of eminent scholars challenge the Western-dominated conceptions of the field

Ironically, since 11 September 2001, world politics seems to have taken a turn towards certainty. This article is an intervention that demonstrates how the illusion of the sovereign state in an insecure and anarchic international system is sustained and how it might be challenged. It does so through a Derridean analysis of Hedley Bull's The Anarchical Society. The article examines how International Relations (IR) thinking works; it teases out the implications of our reading of Bull's work and proposes that what we call generalising the international could lead to an alternative analysis of world politics, one that retains an openness to the future and to politics. Copyright © British International Studies Association.

Written by foreign military officers attending the National Defense University at the invitation of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This forum opens a debate that is long overdue: for far too long, the fields of international political sociology (IPS) and international political economy (IPE) have been standing apart. Discussions take place in different conference sections, in different networks that publish in different journals. Yet, this divide is surprising given that the two fields share similar trajectories, theoretical concerns, problématiques, and conceptual challenges. This forum starts exploring this shared terrain: we believe that there is no a priori reason to separate the sociocultural, the political and the economic when we aim at making sense of the world in any meaningful way. We propose that bridging the IPE-IPS divide has tremendous potential for the development of a socio-political economy analysis that, we believe, has two benefits. First, it allows for the opening of new empirical terrains or deepening and widening existing ones. Second, bringing IPE/S back together creates reflexive spaces for more holistic, embodied and contextualised conceptual innovation. The contributors to this forum show each in their own way such empirical and conceptual added value of moving beyond the IPE and IPS divide in order to develop what we call here a socio-political economy of the globe. They focus on various issues, such as the transformation of capitalism from an oil- to a data-dependent accumulation regime with the rising of the so-called 'digital age' (Chenou); the profound social, economic and political transformation triggered by urbanisation in the development world (Elias, Rethel and Tilley); emerging global risks and the neglected role of the insurance industry (Lobo-Guerrero); regional development-security nexuses (Lopez Lucia); and business power in climate change diplomacy (Moussu).

For patriotic citizens, living in their native country is intrinsically preferable compared to living in the diaspora. In this paper, we analyze the implications of such a patriotic lock-in in a world with international migration and redistributive taxation. In a formal model of redistribution with international migration and fiscal competition we derive the main hypothesis: that countries with a more patriotic population should have higher redistributive taxes. Using ISSP survey data and combining them with OECD taxation data, we find robust evidence suggesting that a) higher patriotism is associated with higher tax burdens, and b) this relation is stronger for the upper-middle range of the income distribution. ; Die individuelle Entscheidung, dauerhaft im Ausland zu leben, wird sowohl von finanziellen als auch von nicht-monetären Aspekten beeinflusst. Patriotismus (Heimatbindung) ist einer dieser nicht-monetären Faktoren, der zwischen den Ländern aber auch innerhalb eines Landes variiert. Ausgehend davon analysieren wir zunächst theoretisch die Auswirkungen von Patriotismus auf den Steuerwettbewerb zwischen zwei Ländern. In der ersten Stufe des Spieles entscheiden die Individuen, ob sie auswandern oder nicht und in der zweiten Stufe erheben die Länder vom hoch-produktiven Anteil der Bevölkerung (unabhängig vom Ursprung der Individuen) Steuern zur Umverteilung. Wenn die ursprüngliche Bevölkerung (vor Migrationsbewegungen) in Land A im Durchschnitt heimatverbundener als die in Land B ist, reagiert sie weniger elastisch auf den Steuersatz. Im Gleichgewicht führt daher höherer (durchschnittlicher) Patriotismus zu höheren Steuersätzen. Im zweiten Teil überprüfen wir diese Hypothese empirisch, indem wir ISSP-Surveydaten und OECDSteuerdaten zusammenführen. Im Ländervergleich besteht für gleiche relative Einkommen ein positiver Zusammenhang zwischen Patriotismus und Steuerbelastung.

Gefahrenvorstellungen spielen seit jeher eine zentrale Rolle in der Außenpolitik. Dieser Band geht der Bedeutung der Angst für außenpolitische Entscheidungsprozesse anhand von ausgewählten Fallbeispielen in der Neuzeit nach. Nach theoretischen Vorüberlegungen differenziert der erste Themenkomplex die verschiedenen mit Angst verbundenen Emotionen, anschließend steht die Angst als Perzeptionsfaktor im Fokus. Die Instrumentalisierung von Angst wird ebenso in den Blick genommen wie die Angst der Regierenden vor der Angst der Regierten. Abgeschlossen wird der Band durch zwei historische Längsschnitte: Hier werden Angstmotive in den Blick genommen, deren Wirkung sich über mehrere Jahrhunderte erstreckte. Mit seinen vielseitigen Perspektiven gibt der Sammelband neue Impulse für die Untersuchung von Entscheidungsprozessen in den Internationalen Beziehungen und hebt die Notwendigkeit der historischen Analyse von emotionalen Faktoren hervor.

Latest issue consulted: Vol. 42, no. 5/6 (1996) ; Description based on: 1994, 9 ; Beginning in 1996, issues called v. 42, no. 1- ; Issues numbered 1-12 within each year, -1995, 11/12 ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Published: 1955-Oct. 1956, Znanye Pub.; Nov. 1956-July 1963, Soviet Society for the Popularization of Political and Scientific Knowledge; Aug. 1963-Dec. 1964, All-Union Society "Knowledge"; Mar. 1975-Jan. 1977, All-Union Society "Znaniye"; Feb. 1977- All-Union Znaniye Society; Mezhdunarodnai︠a︡ zhiznʹ; Minneapolis, MN : East View Publications, Issued also in French and Russian editions ; UCLA Library - CDL shared resource. ; UPD

This paper explores current contestations of women's rights and the implications thereof for international legislation. While contestation over women's rights is a far from new phenomenon, over the past two decades opposition to gender equality has become better organized at the transnational level, mobilizing a dispersed set of state and non-state actors, and is becoming more successful in halting the progress of women's rights. I argue that the position of oppositional actors vis-à-vis women rights activism appears to be strengthened by two recent political developments: democratic backsliding and the closure of civic space. Some preliminary findings show how these interrelated developments lead to an erosion of women's rights at the national level. Governments use low key tactics to dismantle institutional and implementation arrangements and sideline women's organisations. Next, I explore the implications of these developments for gender equality norms at the national and international level. The active strategy of counter norming adopted by conservative and religious state and non-state actors, designed to circumvent and also undermine Western norms, is increasingly successful. In addition to this, the threatened position of domestic actors monitoring compliance of international treaties, makes the chances of backsliding on international commitments much higher.