After the break-up of the former Yugoslavia, the countries of Western Balkans are slowly establishing mutual economic cooperation, and are struggling with their participation in international trade flow with the usage of international marketing instruments. This significantly decreases their opportunities to accelerate economic development and to improve their competitiveness in the time of new crisis caused by Covid-19 pandemic. Small markets and interstate administrative barriers in the Western Balkans hinder the establishment of new and development of existing enterprises, and cause an outflow of creative human resources. Therefore, it is necessary to promote innovative possibilities of removing barriers for faster circulation of goods, people and capital. The implementation of new models of international marketing could significantly contribute to the intensification of mutual economic cooperation, internationalization of business and attracting foreign investment which are accompanied by the spillover effect. As a result, one could expect the improvement of national economies' competitiveness, increase of exports and gross domestic product and improvement of population living standards. ; Zemlјe Zapadnog Balkana posle raspada bivše Jugoslavije vrlo sporo uspostavlјaju međusobnu privrednu saradnju i zaostaju sa uklјučivanjem u međunarodne privredne tokove, uz pomoć instrumenata međunarodnog marketinga. To značajno umanjuje njihove mogućnosti ubrzanja privrednog razvoja i unapređenja konkurentnosti u uslovima nove ekonomske krize, izazvane pandemijom kovida-19. Mala tržišta i međudržavne administrativne barijere zemalјa Zapadnog Balkana koče osnivanje novih i razvoj postojećih preduzeća, te uzrokuju odliv kreativnih lјudskih resursa. Stoga je potrebno promovisati inovativne mogućnosti uklanjanja barijera za bržu cirkualciju robe, lјudi i kapitala. Primena novih modela međunarodnog marketinga mogla bi značajno doprineti intenziviranju međusobne privredne saradnje, internacionalizaciji poslovanja i privlačenju stranih investicija koje prati spilover efekat. Kao rezultat toga, moglo bi se očekivati unapređenje konkurentnosti privrede ovih zemalјa, povećanje izvoza, povećanje bruto domaćeg proizvoda i standarda stanovništva.
Although the topic of dividing Kosovo and Metohija into the Serbian and Albanian part was mostly avoided by officials, both national and international, it has been discussed in public since the 1960s, mostly owing to Dobrica Ćosić. By choosing the concept of "demarcation" as "the final solution" during the negotiations between Belgrade and Priština from 2018, the thinking about partition has been reaffirmed. At one point, the highest officials of the Republic of Serbia have announced that the idea represents an official position. However, there are four problems with this approach. Firstly, this concept has never been concretized at the official level. The proposals by Branislav Krstić and Dušan Bataković were probably considered, but not adopted as a part of the Serbian state strategy. Secondly, there was no preparation of the public for such an outcome or that work was sloppily done at the moment when the proposal, at least in principle, was declared official. Hence, the "shallow support" was relative, which is why the legitimacy of the idea was questioned. Thirdly, there are no serious indications that the Albanian party is interested in such an outcome. The attitude of politicians, their readiness to discuss this topic is not well accepted by the Albanian public, thus such a course of action is disputed. Even if a consensus was reached in the negotiations and some kind of agreement was signed with such content, it would remain open how long-term it would be and what consequences there would be in the future. The indications that demarcation can be considered are conditioned in such a way that it would actually represent essential delimitation, exchange of territories, with the accompanying request to continue the process of enlarging the Albanian ethno space. Fourthly, there is no agreement of international factors to carry out something like that. Also, when certain proposals were finally considered and "leaked to the public", they were in line with what the Albanian party was asking for and largely ...
Fight against organized crime is a proactive, strategically oriented activity of all contemporary, democratic states, both nationally and at the international level. The set limits of more efficient suppression of the most serious crimes are the result of active reforms of national normative frameworks, ratified international documents, but also intensive professional cooperation between countries in the field of detecting, combating and prosecuting organized crime. Security threats, which are extremely high when it comes to organized crime, would be difficult to combat without adequate international cooperation between democratic states. One of the countries that actively participate in international cooperation, emphasizing cooperation with European agencies is Serbia. Namely, there is a justified question of the efficiency of Serbia's cooperation with European agencies in the suppression of organized crime, the harmonization of the national framework with the acquis communautare, which is the goal of research in this paper. In accordance with that, the author, through expert and critical analysis of normative solutions, results of practical application and valid theoretical views, analyses the subject matter from the following aspects: first, introductory considerations; second, the effectiveness of financial investigations and the Action Plan for Chapter 23; third, Serbia's cooperation with European agencies in combating organized crime and reforming the normative framework; fourth, concluding remarks. ; Борба против организованог криминалитета представља проактивну, стратешки орјентисану активност свих савремених, демократских држава, како унутар њених граница, тако и на међународном нивоу. Постављене границе ефикаснијег сузбијања најтежих кривичних дела представљају резултат ак- тивних реформи националних нормативних оквира, ратификова- них међународних докумената, али и интензивне, професионалне сарадње између држава која се одвија на пољу откривања, суз- бијања и процесуирања кривичних дела организованог ...
In this paper, we focus on terrorism through the criminal legislation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the existing scientific fund, professional literature, various organizations, institutions, political entities, there is not a sufficient degree of agreement to be able to form a court that there is, in general, a generally accepted definition of terrorism. On the other hand, given the various activities and actions, results, effects and consequences of terrorist organizations and terrorists, we must state that there is a very high degree of agreement, that terrorism is one of the biggest security and security threats today. The growing increase in terrorist actions and threats has led to the implementation of new legislative norms in order to better counter terrorism. Organized crime at the international level and terrorist activities increasingly require the connection of states, international organizations through Conventions, Resolutions or Laws. Terrorism acts ambivalently and as a threat to the stability of society, states and their development on a global level. The expansion of terrorism over time has surprised many organizations, institutions, whose goal is to preserve security, where the need for reforms has arisen. Through the laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we will see how the legislator has solved the issue of terrorism and what are the consequences for those who do not adhere to them.
Tokom trideset godina nakon raspada socijalističke Jugoslavije, Srbija i Hrvatska su kao postjugoslovenske male države ipak drugačije osmišljavale svoje mesto u regionalnom i globalnom kontekstu. O tome svedoči i njihov različit odnos prema međunarodnim organizacijama poput Evropske unije (EU), NATO ili Ujedinjenih nacija. Ovaj članak u središte svog interesovanja uzima UN kao multilateralni forum ili arenu u kojoj se bitno predstavljaju i oblikuju spoljnopolitičke uloge i identiteti malih država. Oslanjajući se na konstruktivističku analizu spoljne politike i teoriju uloga, autor se fokusirao na glavne deonice u razvoju spoljnopolitičkih narativa Srbije i Hrvatske kao aktivnih malih država članica u Ujedinjenim nacijama. Iako obe države vide sebe kao aktivne, ta aktivnost bi trebalo da bude u funkciji dve različite, teorijski profilisane, strategije malih država. Obrazlaže se sledeći argument: dok Srbija zbog složenosti kosovskog pitanja vodi uglavnom defanzivno autonomnu strategiju u skladu sa proklamovanom vojnom neutralnošću, dotle je Hrvatska kao mala članica EU i NATO priklonjena traganju za integracionističkim uticajem u konstelaciji sa evroatlantskim partnerima. Analizom zvaničnih diskursa dveju zemalja u Generalnoj skupštini UN, između 2000. i 2020. godine, pokazano je na koji način, i u kojoj meri se njihovi diskursi o regionalnoj, evropskoj i svetskoj politici približavaju ili udaljavaju, i razmatra se šta to znači za njihova mesta u svetu. ; In 30 years after the breakup of the socialist Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia as small states differently envisaged their place in regional and global context. Such difference is demonstrated by their different relationships toward international organizations such as the European Union, NATO or the United Nations. This article, as its central interest takes the United Nations as a multilateral forum or an arena where small states importantly represent and shape their foreign policy identities and roles. Relying on the constructivist foreign policy analysis and ...
Sistem nacionalnih računa (SNR) nastao je i više puta unapreĎivan na meĎunarodnom nivou sa ciljem da omogući, izmeĎu ostalog, što potpuniju osnovu za analizu ekonomske politike. Polazeći od činjenice da će se u Srbiji nakon pribliţavanja standardima Evropske unije izraĎivati celokupan SNR, što trenutno nije slučaj, i od teze holandskog autora Bosa da će vlade sve manje koristiti SNR, u radu je ispitano koju ulogu nacionalni računi trenutno imaju u analizi ekonomske politike. Cilj istraţivanja je bio da se utvrde načini unapreĎenja upotrebe nacionalnih računa u Srbiji nakon njegove dopune, po oblastima upotrebe. Korišćenjem postojećih podataka, intervjua i kvantitativne analize, to jest ekonometrijske analize vremenskih serija, utvrĎeno je da se u tri oblasti upotrebe SNR, analizi putem indikatora, analizi tokova sredstava i makroekonometrijskom modeliranju, moţe ostvariti napredak već i sada, a posebno nakon dopune statističke produkcije. Posebno je vaţno da će biti moguće unaprediti makroekonometrijsko modeliranje u Srbiji, što je pokazano na primeru funkcije potrošnje. Komparativna analiza imovinskog efekta u Srbiji, Sloveniji, Češkoj i Holandiji pokazala je da varijabla stambene imovine nije značajna u funkciji potrošnje u Srbiji jer ne dominiraju hipoteke u svojinskoj strukturi stambenog fonda i nema finansijskih inovacija kao u razvijenim zemljama. SNR i njegovo stalno unapreĎivanje je potreban ali ne i dovoljan uslov dobre ekonomske politike. SNRje bio dovoljno razvijen za analizu za potrebe voĎenja ekonomske politike u sprečavanju neravnoteţa koje su u poslednjoj krizi imale udela, ali je tek analiza podataka nacionalnih računa eks-post omogućila unapreĎenje analize putem indikatora i standarda na osnovu kojih se mogu sprečiti neki budući mehurovi i neravnoteţe. ; The System of National Accounts (SNA) was designed and has been improved several times on the international level with the aim to provide the best possible complete basis for the economic policy analysis. Starting from the fact that after the ...
Interesovanje za teoriju i praksu rane intervencije u Srbiji je intenzivirano poslednjih desetak godina. U praksi su odavno zastupljeni različiti oblici rada sa decom sa smetnjama u razvoju ranog uzrasta, dok su teorijsko uobličavanje znanja i sistemski pristup ranoj intervenciji, sagledani kroz donošenje državnih odluka, uključivanje sadržaja iz ove oblasti u studijske programe fakulteta koji školuju defektologa, novijeg datuma. Cilj ovog rada je da ukaže na ključne promene i aktivnosti usmerene na razvoj nacionalnih sistema rane intervencije, s posebnim osvrtom na Srbiju. Od šest priotiteta sadržanih u dokumentu Poziv na akciju: Podrška razvoju dece u ranom detinjstvu koji je Vlada Srbije sačinila u saradnji sa UNICEFOM, a koji je zasnovan na Konvenciji o pravima deteta, Ciljevima održivog razvoja i najboljim interesima za svako dete posebno je značajan prvi podrška roditeljstvu. Izdvajanje ovog prioriteta bazirano je na činjenici da je podrška dobrobiti deteta jedan od najvažnijih ciljeva predškolskog vaspitanja i obrazovanja i da je ostvariv samo onda kada porodica može na adekvatan način da oblikuje sopstvene životne okolnosti. Osim toga takozvani model F-reči, utemeljen na odrednicama Međunarodne klasifikacije funkcionisanja, invalidnosti i zdravlja, vidi porodicu kao centralni "kontekstualni" činilac razvoja, koji ima najbolji potencijal za pružanje fizičke i emocionalne bezbednosti deteta i čija dobrobit treba da bude primarni cilj uključivanja u programe rane intervencije i obezbeđivanja usluga. Iako je rad sa porodicom, ključni činilic pozitivnih ishoda rane intervencije, dosadašnja praksa u ovom segmentu rada može da se opiše kao dugo putovanje od pristupa usmerenog na stručnjake koji donose odluke i sprovodi tretman, do pristupa u čijem fokusu je porodica Veštine uspostavljanja saradničkog odnosa su za stručnjake, koji prihvataju model usmeren na porodicu još uvek velik izazov, jer je neophodno da se uloga donosioca odluka, "prepisivača saveta", zameni ulogom partnera, slušaoca, pomagača i konsultanta. ; Interest in the theory and practice of early intervention in Serbia, has intensified in the last ten years. In practice, various forms of work with children with disabilities at an early age have long been represented, whereas theoretical shaping of knowledge and systematic approach to early intervention seen through state-decision making, inclusion of contents from this area in university programmes for educating defectologist, are of the more recent date. The aim of this paper is to point out the key changes and activities directed to development of national early intervention systems, with special reference to Serbia. Considering the six priorities contained in the document Call to Action: Support to children development in early childhood, created by Government of Serbia in cooperation with UNICEF, based on Convention on the rights of the child, Sustainable development goals and best interest for each child individually, the first one is especially important, parenting support. The selection of this priority is based on the fact that supporting the welfare of the child is one of the most important goals of preschool education and that it is achievable only in case when the family can adquately shape their own life circumstances. Besides, the so-called F-word model based on the International Classification of Functioning Disability and Health, recognizes the family as the central "contextual" factor, with best potential for providing physical and emotional security to the child, whose welfare should be the primary goal of inclusion in early intervention and service providing programmes. Although, the work with family is the key factor in positive outcomes of early intervention, current practice in this segment of work can be described as a long journey from and approach focused on decision-making and treatment professionals, to the family-oriented approach. Collaborative skills are still the great challenge for professionals who accept family-oriented model, as it is necessary to replace the role of decision-maker, "advice transcriber" with the role of partner, listener, assistant and consultant.
The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social, economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political, necessarily creates action and reaction.
Autori ovog rada nude pregled i analizu uspona i pada međunarodnog liberalnog poretka koji je nastao nakon okončanja Hladnog rata i uspona moći Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Spoljnopolitička agenda jedine posthladnoratovske supersile vođena je idejom stvaranja globalnog poretka utemeljenog na ideologiji (globalnog) liberalizma koja u sebi inkorporira teorije liberalnog mira, demokratskog mira i neoliberalnog institucionalizma. Uspostavljanje tzv. globalnog liberalnog poretka dosada je bilo praćeno brojnim političkim, socijalnim, ekonomskim i bezbednosnim krizama, a trenutnu eru međunarodnih odnosa odlikuju uspon relativne moći "neliberalnih" globalnih aktera, pre svega Kine i Rusije, kao glavnih izazivača svetske dominacije Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, te geopolitički revizionizam i ideološka konfrontacija liberalnih i antiliberalnih snaga širom sveta. Autori ovog rada koriste specifičan analitički metod tzv. dijalektike političke mehanike, koji se oslanja na učenja Friedricha Hegela o dijalektici istorije i Carla Schmitta o fenomenu političkog, kako bi objasnili trenutnu dinamiku međunarodnih odnosa, pokazujući da političko polje "permanentno pulsira" što, u svemu što je društveno i političko, nužno kreira akciju i reakciju, čijom dinamikom se mogu tumačiti i globalna zbivanja kojima upravo prisustvujemo. ; The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social, economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political, necessarily creates action and reaction.