Ovaj rad se sastoji od pet poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju rad se bavi pregledom pojma neutralnosti, povijesnog razvoja instituta trajne neutralnosti, glavnih razlika između privremene i trajne neutralnosti te modusa osnivanja trajne neutralnosti na međunarodnom polju. U drugom poglavlju rada analiziraju se prava i dužnosti neutralnih država uz poseban naglasak na postojanje distinkcije između onih prava i dužnosti koje se odnose kako na trajno neutralne tako i na privremeno neutralne države te onih koji vrijede isključivo za trajno neutralne države. Fokus trećeg poglavlja sastoji se u obradi pitanja članstva u međunarodnim organizacijama, naročito analize problematike glede članstva trajno neutralnih država u organizacijama s ustrojenim sustavima kolektivne sigurnosti. U ovom poglavlju daje se pregled različitih reakcija i stajališta koje su pojedine trajno neutralne države zauzimale prilikom odlučivanja o pristupanju pojedinim međunarodnim organizacijama te se daje osvrt na njihov današnji položaj unutar međunarodne zajednice. Četvrto poglavlje prvenstveno se bavi Švicarskom, Austrijom i Maltom kao primjerima trajno neutralnih država. U ovom poglavlju analizira se povijesni kontekst stjecanja svojstva trajne neutralnosti, njegov razvoj, specifičnosti te prava i obveze koje vežu ove tri države. Konačno, u posljednjem petom poglavlju daje se osvrt na ulogu trajno neutralnih država u očuvanju mira i stabilnosti u međunarodnoj zajednici uslijed sve kompliciranijih odnosa između subjekata međunarodnog prava. ; This thesis consist of of five chapters. In the first chapter the thesis examines the concept of neutrality, the historical development of the institute of permanent neutrality, the main differences between temporary and permanent neutrality, and the mode of establishment of permanent neutrality in the international field. In the second chapter of the paper the rights and duties of neutral states are analyzed with special emphasis on the existence of a distinction between those rights and duties that apply to ...
Odgovornost međunarodnih organizacija za međunarodno protupravne čine privukla je veliku pozornost doktrine i prakse posljednjih godina, otkad je Komisija za međunarodno pravo UN-a izradila Nacrt članaka o toj materiji. U radu razmatramo osnovna rješenja Nacrta, a posebnu pozornost posvećujemo slučajevima višestruke pripisivosti te odgovornosti država za međunarodno protupravne čine međunarodne organizacije. ; The responsibility of international organizations attracted special attention in theory and practice of international law after the International Law Commission began its work on the topic in 2002. The Commission ended its work in 2011 by adopting the Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organization. In this contribution we give an overall review of the Draft articles with special a emphasis on the cases of multiple attribution and responsibility of states for internationally wrongful acts of international organizations. Analyzing the critical remarks raised in regard to the Draft, we concluded that they cannot diminish the successful outcome of the work of the Commission, which is, a coherent and consistent system of rules devoted to the responsibility of international organizations.
Rad pručava politike razvojne pomoći kao instrumente moći za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva koji koriste u prvom redu državama-inicijatoricama. Rad se fokusira na dvije velike europske zemlje: Francusku Republiku i Saveznu Republiku Njemačke, koje su ujedno gospodarski i politički najmoćnije zemlje članice Europske unije. Promjenom paradigme, iz one u kojoj najveću korist od politika razvojne pomoći imaju slabije razvijene zemlje u paradigmu kako dugoročno najveću korist imaju upravo zemlje koje su inicijatorice istih, rad pokazuje da starije, veće te politički i ekonomski moćnije države članice Europske unije koriste politike razvojne pomoći prema slabije razvijenim članicama, prema zemljama kandidatkinjama te ostalim zemljama, kako bi promovirale vlastiti interes i ostvarile ciljeve svoje vanjske politike. Konačno, pokazujući vezu između politika razvojne pomoći i širenja utjecaja i moći Francuske i Njemačke, rad stvora pretpostavke za novo objašnjenje odnosa moći u međunarodnom okruženju. ; The dissertation examines how the development aid policy, both in the context of national budgets and European Structural and Investment Funds, is being used as an instrument for achieving foreign policy objectives, and it is in this sense primarily beneficial for countriesdonators. Dissertation is focussed on two main European Union member states: the Republic of France and Federal Republic of Germany. By changing the paradigm from the one in which the least developed countries have the most benefit from development aid policy to the paradigm that, on the long-term, greatest benefits precisely have the countries that are the initiators of the same development aid, dissertation argues that older, bigger, politically and economically more powerful European Union member states use development policies assisting less developed members, candidate and other countries to promote their own interests and achieve goals of their foreign policy. In attempt to demonstrate the influence of France and Germany through development ...
The protracted conflict in Kosovo has led to the European Union's special concern on the issue, specifically its special activities in the entire area of the Western Balkans with the aim of fully Europeanizing the area and bringing it closer to European integration. The period from the 1980s was a kind of turning point for Kosovo, given that the changed constitutional possibilities in the then state gave the opportunity for independence and the establishment of the state of Kosovo. The understanding of the entire Kosovo issue needs to be observed from the historical aspect and the role of the international community. In general, the state of Kosovo was created mainly based on international action, which laid the foundations for the establishment of a modern European state. In this process, the Ahtisaari Plan and Resolution 1244 from 1999, from which the European Union derives its activities, played a particularly important role. Until now, Kosovo has gone through three periods – that of political unrest until the 1990s, the intensive actions of the international community until the 2000s, and the period of the European Union, which is still ongoing, more precisely, only beginning since Kosovo has signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement. The European Union has a significant impact on the further development of the state of Kosovo in terms of the rule of law, the establishment of democratic standards, and the strengthening of transparent government. Profiling itself as an important global factor in peace and stability, the European Union in Kosovo has achieved the results that are visible through the EULEX mission and the actions of the High Representative of the European Union in Kosovo, as well as all other European Union institutions. At the end of the second decade of this century, the influence of the United States of America in Kosovo, which has never lost interest in establishing peace and stability in this area, is growing again. That is the reason why joint action by the United States of ...
Dugotrajnost sukoba na Kosovu dovela je do posebne brige Europske unije o tome pitanju, konkretno njezina posebnog djelovanja na čitavom području zapadnog Balkana s težnjom potpune europeizacije toga prostora i njegova približavanja europskim integracijama. Razdoblje od 80-ih godina 20. stoljeća za Kosovo je predstavljalo svojevrsnu prekretnicu s obzirom na to da su izmijenjene ustavne mogućnosti u tadašnjoj državi davale mogućnost osamostaljenja i uspostave kosovske države. Shvaćanje cjelokupne kosovske problematike potrebno je sagledati i iz povijesnog aspekta te uloge međunarodne zajednice. Općenito, kosovska država nastala je uglavnom na podlozi međunarodnog djelovanja čime su postavljeni temelji za uspostavu suvremene europske države, pri čemu su osobito važni Ahtisaarijev plan te Rezolucija 1244 iz 1999. godine iz koje svoje djelovanje izvodi i Europska unija. Do danas, Kosovo je prošlo tri razdoblja – ono političkih nemira do 90-ih godina 20. stoljeća, razdoblje intenzivnog djelovanja međunarodne zajednice do prvog desetljeća 21. stoljeća te razdoblje Europske unije koje još traje, odnosno tek počinje s obzirom na to da je Kosovo potpisalo Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju. Europska unija ima značajan utjecaj na daljnji razvoj kosovske države glede vladavine prava, uspostave demokratskih standarda te jačanja transparentne vlasti. Profilirajući se kao važan globalni čimbenik mira i stabilnosti, rezultati Europske unije na Kosovu vidljivi su kroz misiju EULEX-a te djelovanje Visokog predstavnika Europske unije na Kosovu, kao i svih ostalih institucija Europske unije. Na izmaku drugog desetljeća ovog stoljeća ponovno jača utjecaj Sjedinjenih Američkih Država na Kosovu koje nikada nisu ni izgubile interes za uspostavu mira i stabilnosti na ovom području. Upravo zbog toga, zajedničko djelovanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Europske unije jedini je put ka konačnom rješavanju komplementarnog kosovskog pitanja. ; The protracted conflict in Kosovo has led to the European Union's special concern on the ...
U kontekstu održivog razvoja, smanjenje potrošnje energije i poboljšanje energetske učinkovitosti prepoznati su kao globalni prioriteti. Međunarodni turistički dolasci povećavaju se iz godine u godinu, a turizam bilježi porast potrošnje energije. Međutim, turizam mora prepoznati svoju ulogu u održivom razvoju i dati značajan doprinos korištenjem obnovljivih izvora energije i energetski učinkovite tehnologije. Stoga je cilj ovog rada analizirati odnos između turističkih noćenja i potrošnje energije u uslužnom sektoru u 10 zemalja Europske Unije koje su ostvarile najveći broj noćenja. Istraživanje obuhvaća razdoblje od 19 godina, od 2000. do 2018. Koristi se panel analiza podataka koja proučava povezanost varijabli kroz vrijeme, na temelju metode random efekta. Rezultati pokazuju da postoji povezanost turističkih noćenja i potrošnje energije u uslužnom sektoru, te da se potrošnja energije mijenja s porastom turističkih noćenja. Na temelju provedene analize, nameće se potreba za povećanjem energetske efikasnosti kao i primjenom energije iz obnovljivih izvora kako bi se omogućio održivi razvoj gospodarskog i ekološkog sustava. Empirijski nalazi u ovoj studiji mogu pružiti smjernice upravljanja energijom privatnim i javnim nositeljima turističke politike u EU i Hrvatskoj. ; In the context of sustainable development, energy consumption reduction and energy efficiency improvement are recognized as global priorities. International tourist arrivals are increasing year by year, and tourism is recording increases in energy consumption. However, tourism needs to recognize its role in sustainable development, and make a significant contribution by using renewable energy and energy efficient technologies. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between tourist overnight stays and energy consumption in the service sector in the 10 EU countries that achieved the highest number of overnight stays. The survey covers a period of 19 years, from 2000 to 2018. Panel data analysis is used to observe the ...
Hrvatski sabor donio je 25. lipnja 1991. Ustavnu odluku o suverenosti i samostalnosti i Deklaraciju o proglašenju suverene i samostalne Republike Hrvatske, čime je objavio i formalizirao volju hrvatskoga naroda i građana Republike Hrvatske izrađenu na referendumu održanom pet tjedana prije. Usvajanjem navedenih dokumenata, a u nemogućnosti postizanja novog političkog dogovora kojim bi se razriješila jugoslavenska državna i politička kriza, Hrvatska je ušla u završnu fazu procesa osamostaljenja. No, unutarjugoslavenske i međunarodne prilike i odnosi nisu predstavljali povoljan okvir hrvatskoga osamostaljenja, nego je u tom procesu Hrvatska nailazila na brojne prepreke, opstrukcije, nerazumijevanja, pa i otpore. Dio međunarodnih aktera, pritisnut odlučnošću hrvatskog političkog vodstva kao i brutalnošću srbijanske oružane agresije, postupno je gradio afirmativan stav prema odluci o izlasku Hrvatske iz SFRJ kao jedinom racionalnom odgovoru na jugoslavensku krizu i rastući velikosrpski nacionalizam i ekspanzionizam. Tri desetljeća nakon sudbonosnih odluka Hrvatskoga sabora prigoda je da podsjetimo na ključne državno-političke i međunarodnopravne akte koji su doveli do priznanja te međunarodne i diplomatske afirmacije Republike Hrvatske, kao i da ukratko ukažemo na one unutarnje i međunarodne dionike koji su se tom procesu odupirali, ali i na one koji su ga podržavali. ; On June 25, 1991, the Croatian Parliament passed the Constitutional Decision on Sovereignty and Independence and passed the Declaration on the Establishment of the Sovereign and Independent Republic of Croatia. In doing so, the Parliament declared and formalized the will of the people and citizens of the Republic of Croatia, which was expressed at a referendum held five weeks earlier. By adopting these documents, and without the possibility of reaching a new political agreement that would dissolve the Yugoslav state and solve the political crisis, Croatia entered the final phase of its independence-gaining process. However, inner Yugoslav and additional international circumstances and relations did not provide a favourable framework for the Croatian independence. In this process, Croatia had to overcome a number of obstacles, an overall lack of understanding, even resistance. Having understood the pressure of decisive Croatian political leadership and the brutality of the Serbian armed aggression, a number of actors on the international stage gradually built their acceptance of the Croatian decision to leave the SFRY. They saw it as the only rational answer to the Yugoslav crisis and the growing Greater Serbian nationalism and expansionism. Three decades after these historic decisions of the Croatian Parliament, it is now a good time to remember the key national political and international legal acts that have led to the international and diplomatic affirmation, as well as the recognition of the Republic of Croatia. This is an opportunity to highlight the local and international stakeholders who resisted this process, as well as those who supported it.
Djelatna uloga Međunarodnoga odbora Crvenoga križa (MOCK) do izražaja dolazi u ratnim okolnostima u provođenju aktivnosti utemeljenih na međunarodnom ratnom pravu da bi se osigurala pomoć za sve ratne stradalnike. U osiguravanju uvjeta rada tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata MOCK je pokušao uspostaviti službene odnose sa svim zaraćenim državama, odnosno svim vojnim snagama bez obzira na to je li im bio priznat status zaraćene strane. Stoga su u radu prikazani i napori koje je MOCK uložio u pokušaje da pripadnici Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije steknu službeni položaj zaraćene strane, odnosno službeni status ratnih zarobljenika, te da se na njih dosljedno primijene odredbe međunarodnoga ratnog prava. Usprkos prethodnim kontaktima MOCK je tek nakon imenovanja stalnoga predstavnika u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj (1943.) započeo opsežne aktivnosti u korist pripadnika partizanskoga pokreta Jugoslavije, od kojih su najvažnije bile praktična primjena odredaba međunarodnoga ratnog prava na zarobljene pripadnike partizanskih jedinica te osiguravanje raznih oblika pomoći. S istom je nakanom predstavnik MOCK-a uspostavio kontakt i s Vrhovnim štabom Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije, a suradnja je olakšana tek nakon potpisivanja sporazuma Tito-Šubašić, što je rezultiralo uspostavom službenih odnosa krajem 1944. godine. Na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva, objavljenih izvora i literature autor pokazuje i neke aspekte suradnje do završetka rata te u neposrednom poraću. ; The active role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) comes to the fore in wartime circumstances, in carrying out activities based on international war law (the Geneva and Hague Conventions) regarding providing assistance to all war victims. In securing working conditions during World War II, the ICRC attempted to establish official relations with all belligerent parties regardless of whether they were or were not recognised as belligerent parties. Therefore, the author presents part of the ICRC efforts made in the process of recognising the international war law-regulated status of belligerent party to members of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia, i.e. the status of prisoners of war. Despite some earlier contacts, after the designation of a permanent representative to the Independent State of Croatia (1943), the ICRC launched extensive activities in favour of members of the Yugoslav Partisan movement, the most important of which was the practical application of the international law of war. Permanent representative Schmidlin constantly intervened in the ministries and the prime minister of the Independent State of Croatia through the Central Office of the Croatian Red Cross and as well through prominent figures in the political and social life of the State. However, although the Partisans de facto achieved the position of a belligerent party in their relations with the German military forces, this status was strongly opposed by the ISC authorities. Due to the change in the British attitude towards the Yugoslav Partisans, in the summer of 1943 the ICRC leadership ordered its permanent representative in Zagreb to establish contact with members of the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia as soon as possible. Very soon, Schmidlin contacted the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan detachments of Yugoslavia. In late November 1943, shortly after the beginning of the Allied Conference in Tehran, the ICRC leadership also received an Allied recommendation on the same subject. The existence of the Yugoslav Committee of the Red Cross in London, which had legitimacy and was the only recognised Yugoslav national Red Cross society, was a major problem in establishing relations between the ICRC and the Yugoslav Partisans. The ICRC leadership remained committed to not recognising the new societies created during the war. After the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in mid-June 1944, the ICRC leadership changed its position, and representatives of the Yugoslav government and Marshal Tito sent several letters to the ICRC Permanent Delegation in London in late September and early October 1944. In those letters, they informed the ICRC leadership of the establishment of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Red Cross on the island of Vis. At the same time, the Royal Yugoslav Red Cross Society in London was dissolved. All of this resulted in the unification of the national organisation of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia, which led to the establishment of official relations between the ICRC and Yugoslav Partisans at the end of 1944. Based on original archival sources and literature, the author points to some aspects of cooperation until the end of World War II and in the early post-war period. One of the main aspects of the ICRC's work during this period was the practical application of the provisions of the international law of war to prisoners of war in Yugoslavia. Tito himself made the same promises, though the Yugoslav Ministry of Social Policy made this conditional: they would be applied only if it was proven that captured members of the Partisan movement had been treated in the same way during the war. The treatment of prisoners of war in Yugoslavia could only be speculated about, and the authorities immediately refused to allow foreign diplomatic or ICRC representatives to gain insight into the treatment of prisoners of war. It is clear that the ICRC faced the same problems in its relations with the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia and the German Reich during the war and the Yugoslav authorities at the end of the war and in the immediate post-war period.
Rad analizira vanjsku politiku Sjedinjenih Američkih Država u mandatu 45. predsjednika Donalda Trumpa, točnije u periodu od 2017. – 2021.g. Glavno istraživačko pitanje propituje u kojoj mjeri su kontroverzne odluke i nepredvidivi potezi predsjednika utjecale na položaj SAD-a u međunarodnim odnosima. Temeljna pretpostavka je da su upravo nepredvidivost, ishitrenost i često neprofesionalnost američkog predsjednika šokirale međunarodnu arenu te oslabile položaj SAD-a. S obzirom na kompleksnost teme u ovome radu neće se analizirati sve vanjskopolitičke odluke jer to iziskuje puno veći prostor već će se analizirati samo odluke koje su najviše utjecale na promjenu položaja SAD-a. ; The paper analyzes the foreign policy of the United States during the mandate of the 45th president Donald Trump, more precisely from 2017 till 2021. The main question is whether and if so how much influence did the controversial decisions and unpredictable moves done by the president have on the position of the United States in international relations. The main hypothesis is that the unpredictable, rash and unprofessional decisions and actions of the American president have shocked the global international arena and therefore have weakened the US position in it. Due to the complexity of the subject, the paper does not analyze all foreign policies of president Trump but instead it focuses on actions that had the greatest impact on the US position in the international order.
Zaštita kulturnoga dobra u izvanrednim situacijama provodi se u različitim područjima te ovisi o nizu informacija i postupaka koji ne nastaju isključivo unutar područja kulture. Različite dionike i postupke povezuju dokumentacija i dokumentiranje, a to su ujedno temeljni aspekti poslovanja AKM ustanova (arhivi, knjižnice i muzeji). Induktivnom analizom literature međunarodnih smjernica i hrvatskoga pravnoga okvira u ovom je radu analizirana uloga dokumentacije i preporučeni modeli dokumentiranja u izvanrednim situacijama. Zaključeno je da je uloga dokumentiranja u izvanrednim situacijama prepoznata kao važna, ali nedostatno raščlanjena te da su pojedini aspekti, poput dokumentiranja digitalnoga kulturnoga dobra tijekom izvanredne situacije, zanemareni. U završnom dijelu rada izdvojena su područja u kojima je potrebno provesti daljnja istraživanja. ; Creation and preservation of active and passive documentation are important activities embedded in the daily workflow of libraries, archives and museums (ALM). Also, documentation and documenting are integral parts of crisis management in the same context and important aspect of preventive conservation. The paper presents results of literary warrant analysis of relevant intrasectoral guidelines created by the following international organizations: International Council on Archives (ICA), International Council on Museums (ICOM), International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA) and International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM). Since Croatian ALM institutions operate within a legislative framework in which various regulations determine and prescribe professional actions this aspect was considered as well. The goal of the analysis was to detect types of documentation, models of documentation, the role and purpose of documentation in the context of preparation and response to an emergency. Furthermore, the objective was to analyse and critically reflect on the issue of documentation in crisis and emergency conceptualized in guidelines of abovementioned international organizations and prescribed by Croatian legislative regulations. For the purposes of the paper the pre- and post- crisis documentation was divided a) according to the creation period (i.e. documentation created before crisis, during/immediately after crisis and after crisis in recovery period) and b) according to the type and business function (i.e. professional and administrative-technicaldocumentation). Common trait to all international guidelines was the importance of planning documenting activities within the general plan for preparation on crisis situations as well as the emphasis on the need for standardized, accurate, reliable, available and reusable documentation. Since analysed guidelines from ICA, ICOM and ICA originate from similar time periods they reflect similar worldview and compared with more recent ICCROM recommendation lack in details. Lack of documentation (both pre- and post- crisis) is a widely accepted risk factor. Croatian legislation system, beside early ratification of the Hague protocols (which was enhanced by the damages on cultural heritage during Homeland War in 1990s) recognize importance of accurate and detailed inventories and lists of protected cultural goods, but at the same time lack in recognizing the importance of documenting the crisis as recommended in international guidelines. General lack of recognition is noticed in the area of documenting the digital cultural heritage in crisis, or even the issue of cybersecurity connected with digital cultural heritage as such. Finally, this study detects possible further areas of research which might include among others: use of archival historical data in analysis of past and model of simulation of future crisis, case analysis of documentation management during crisis, studies of institutional implementation of guidelines and recommendations, testing new technologies as support in documentation efforts and analysis of legal and business consequences in cases when documentation was not accurate, reliable or available during the crisis preparation and response. 
Posljednjih je godina teorijska literatura o međunarodnim odnosima znatno napredovala u proširivanju i preciziranju tipologije revizionističkih država – država koje teže preraspodjeli moći u međunarodnom sistemu i/ili promjeni normativnog poretka. Istovremeno je malo pozornosti posvećeno pojmu status quo države, kojim se označava država koja teži zadržavanju moći i očuvanju postojećeg stanja. Status quo država uglavnom se svodi na status quo predrasudu koja se odnosi na države koje imaju averziju prema riskiranju u vanjskopolitičkim odlukama i ne sudjeluju aktivno u oblikovanju međunarodne politike ili pak na države koje nastoje egzistencijalno preživjeti u anarhičnom sustavu. Literatura pritom previđa ono bitno u opreci kategorija: sukob revizionističke i status quo države. Naime, otvoreno suparništvo s revizionističkom državom i agresivno pružanje otpora promjeni redovito se označava kao još jedan vid revizionizma. U ovom se radu pokazuje da kategorija status quo države nije slučajno u "mrtvom kutu" teorije međunarodnih odnosa. Razlog je tomu što uvjet njezine mogućnosti – konsenzualni međunarodnopravni poredak – u suvremenim okolnostima nije prisutan. Povijesno iskustvo pokazuje da u određenim, veoma rijetkim uvjetima konsenzualnoga međunarodnopravnog poretka države s agresivnim motivima i nerijetko ofenzivnim sredstvima mogu biti status quo države. Pokazat će se da su u moderno doba samo dva razmjerno kratkotrajna međunarodna poretka činila status quo državu mogućom: europski vestfalski sustav ravnoteže snaga u 18. stoljeću i hladnoratovski detant u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća. ; In recent years, the International Relations theoretical literature has made significant progress in expanding and refining the typology of revisionist states – states that seek to redistribute power in the international system and/or change the normative order. At the same time, little attention is paid to the notion of the status quo state, which denotes a state that strives to retain power and preserve the status quo. The category of status quo states is mainly reduced to either status quo bias referring to the states that have an aversion to risk in foreign policy decisions and do not actively participate in international politics or to the states that seek to survive in the anarchic system. At the same time, the literature overlooks the key aspect of the opposing categories: the conflict between the revisionist state and the status quo state. Namely, open rivalry with the revisionist state and aggressive resistance to change is regularly labeled as another form of revisionism. This paper shows that the category of the status quo state is not accidentally in the IR theoretical "blind spot". The reason for this is that the condition of its possibility – a consensual international legal order – is not present in modern circumstances. Historical experience shows that in certain and very rare conditions of a consensual international legal order, states with aggressive motives and often offensive means can be categorized as status quo states. It will be shown that in the modern age only two relatively short-lived international orders made the status quo possible: the European Westphalian system of balance of powers in the 18th century and the Cold War détente in the second half of the 20th century.