Suchergebnisse

The rise of human rights in 20th century brought the idea of minimal international standard to ensure and protect those rights. In 2001 the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty made a report which suggested the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect based on the state's duty to respect its own citizens' rights and the duty of international community to step in if a state commits mass scale human rights violations. This final paper focuses on answering the question whether R2P has gained the status of customary law. For this reason the first chapter analyzes what defines international customary law and how can it be applied in particular cases. The second part of the paper focuses on presenting the R2P doctrine and its elements. The third and fourth chapters analyze the legal justification of use of force and the most recant example of R2P application in Libya. The conclusions bring the answer to the hypothesis that R2P is not yet an international customary law. Although the status of being one could be very beneficial in order to avoid political dead-end in the United Nations Security Council actions. In addition to this, this paper argues that state's duty to protect its own people is already an international customary law, on the contrary international community, if needed to cope with failed states, still waits for the UNSC authorization. This leads to the conclusion that the second element of R2P (the actions of international community) is not an international customary law.

The rise of human rights in 20th century brought the idea of minimal international standard to ensure and protect those rights. In 2001 the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty made a report which suggested the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect based on the state's duty to respect its own citizens' rights and the duty of international community to step in if a state commits mass scale human rights violations. This final paper focuses on answering the question whether R2P has gained the status of customary law. For this reason the first chapter analyzes what defines international customary law and how can it be applied in particular cases. The second part of the paper focuses on presenting the R2P doctrine and its elements. The third and fourth chapters analyze the legal justification of use of force and the most recant example of R2P application in Libya. The conclusions bring the answer to the hypothesis that R2P is not yet an international customary law. Although the status of being one could be very beneficial in order to avoid political dead-end in the United Nations Security Council actions. In addition to this, this paper argues that state's duty to protect its own people is already an international customary law, on the contrary international community, if needed to cope with failed states, still waits for the UNSC authorization. This leads to the conclusion that the second element of R2P (the actions of international community) is not an international customary law.

The rise of human rights in 20th century brought the idea of minimal international standard to ensure and protect those rights. In 2001 the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty made a report which suggested the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect based on the state's duty to respect its own citizens' rights and the duty of international community to step in if a state commits mass scale human rights violations. This final paper focuses on answering the question whether R2P has gained the status of customary law. For this reason the first chapter analyzes what defines international customary law and how can it be applied in particular cases. The second part of the paper focuses on presenting the R2P doctrine and its elements. The third and fourth chapters analyze the legal justification of use of force and the most recant example of R2P application in Libya. The conclusions bring the answer to the hypothesis that R2P is not yet an international customary law. Although the status of being one could be very beneficial in order to avoid political dead-end in the United Nations Security Council actions. In addition to this, this paper argues that state's duty to protect its own people is already an international customary law, on the contrary international community, if needed to cope with failed states, still waits for the UNSC authorization. This leads to the conclusion that the second element of R2P (the actions of international community) is not an international customary law.

The importance of military's cultural and religious awareness on the international operations was increasingly recognized after the Cold war. Though, a need of military cultural awareness is usually assessed at the national state – not the NATO – level. The absence of military cultural awareness standardization during the international operations within NATO allows member states to interpret cultural awareness individually. The freedom of cultural interpretation is not an undesirable thing per se but the lack of coordinated military leadership, especially when soldiers are working in the international composition. It may lead to further deficiencies and promote such problems as "green-on-blue" attacks in Afghanistan, which can be associated with cultural differences arising from solders direct interaction with other culture.

The importance of military's cultural and religious awareness on the international operations was increasingly recognized after the Cold war. Though, a need of military cultural awareness is usually assessed at the national state – not the NATO – level. The absence of military cultural awareness standardization during the international operations within NATO allows member states to interpret cultural awareness individually. The freedom of cultural interpretation is not an undesirable thing per se but the lack of coordinated military leadership, especially when soldiers are working in the international composition. It may lead to further deficiencies and promote such problems as "green-on-blue" attacks in Afghanistan, which can be associated with cultural differences arising from solders direct interaction with other culture.

The importance of military's cultural and religious awareness on the international operations was increasingly recognized after the Cold war. Though, a need of military cultural awareness is usually assessed at the national state – not the NATO – level. The absence of military cultural awareness standardization during the international operations within NATO allows member states to interpret cultural awareness individually. The freedom of cultural interpretation is not an undesirable thing per se but the lack of coordinated military leadership, especially when soldiers are working in the international composition. It may lead to further deficiencies and promote such problems as "green-on-blue" attacks in Afghanistan, which can be associated with cultural differences arising from solders direct interaction with other culture.

The importance of military's cultural and religious awareness on the international operations was increasingly recognized after the Cold war. Though, a need of military cultural awareness is usually assessed at the national state – not the NATO – level. The absence of military cultural awareness standardization during the international operations within NATO allows member states to interpret cultural awareness individually. The freedom of cultural interpretation is not an undesirable thing per se but the lack of coordinated military leadership, especially when soldiers are working in the international composition. It may lead to further deficiencies and promote such problems as "green-on-blue" attacks in Afghanistan, which can be associated with cultural differences arising from solders direct interaction with other culture.

Lithuanian foreign policy perceives the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as an organization with the most significant authority in nuclear safety, capable of objectively assessing the Ostrovets NPP's compliance with international nuclear safety standards. Simultaneously, the IAEA is one of the most important international institutions through which Lithuania sought to reveal the shortcomings of the Ostrovets NPP while attempting to legitimize its critical position towards the power plant. Given the relevance of IAEA in Lithuanian foreign policy, the article examines IAEA's public discourse on nu-clear energy in Belarus. It aims to assess its role in the process of legitimizing Lithuania's oposition to Ostrovets NPP. After analyzing the IAEA's leadership statements, the official press releases and the reports published by the peer-review missions during 2007–2020, the paper concludes that the IAEA formed a public discourse that exclusively favoured Belarus and significantly contradicted Lithuania's official position. In this way, the IAEA did not legitimize Lithuania's foreign policy towards Ostrovets NPP. On the contrary, the organization supported nuclear energy development in Belarus

Lithuanian foreign policy perceives the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as an organization with the most significant authority in nuclear safety, capable of objectively assessing the Ostrovets NPP's compliance with international nuclear safety standards. Simultaneously, the IAEA is one of the most important international institutions through which Lithuania sought to reveal the shortcomings of the Ostrovets NPP while attempting to legitimize its critical position towards the power plant. Given the relevance of IAEA in Lithuanian foreign policy, the article examines IAEA's public discourse on nu-clear energy in Belarus. It aims to assess its role in the process of legitimizing Lithuania's oposition to Ostrovets NPP. After analyzing the IAEA's leadership statements, the official press releases and the reports published by the peer-review missions during 2007–2020, the paper concludes that the IAEA formed a public discourse that exclusively favoured Belarus and significantly contradicted Lithuania's official position. In this way, the IAEA did not legitimize Lithuania's foreign policy towards Ostrovets NPP. On the contrary, the organization supported nuclear energy development in Belarus

Lithuanian foreign policy perceives the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as an organization with the most significant authority in nuclear safety, capable of objectively assessing the Ostrovets NPP's compliance with international nuclear safety standards. Simultaneously, the IAEA is one of the most important international institutions through which Lithuania sought to reveal the shortcomings of the Ostrovets NPP while attempting to legitimize its critical position towards the power plant. Given the relevance of IAEA in Lithuanian foreign policy, the article examines IAEA's public discourse on nu-clear energy in Belarus. It aims to assess its role in the process of legitimizing Lithuania's oposition to Ostrovets NPP. After analyzing the IAEA's leadership statements, the official press releases and the reports published by the peer-review missions during 2007–2020, the paper concludes that the IAEA formed a public discourse that exclusively favoured Belarus and significantly contradicted Lithuania's official position. In this way, the IAEA did not legitimize Lithuania's foreign policy towards Ostrovets NPP. On the contrary, the organization supported nuclear energy development in Belarus

In the case of Lithuania, its national identity reflects traumatizing historical experiences and the values that were infused by the Soviet Union, as well as the values that were reinforced by fighting for independence. Not only national identity shapes Lithuania as a unique member of the European Union, but it also directly influences Lithuanian foreign policy. Despite the fact that Lithuania with its post-Soviet identity might still appear to be not a complete and modern member of the European Union compared to other, more economically and politically developed European Union members, Lithuania, because of the specific factors shaping its identity, became a member that is the most optimistic and supportive of the European Union, as well as one characterized by a strong protection of its national identity and empathy for the countries that have had similar historical experiences. As the transition is still ongoing: younger generations with modern values in Lithuania gradually change the older, more restrained generations infused with harsh memories of the Soviet Union, therefore, Lithuania will gradually become a fully integrated member of the European Union as it makes progresses in the democratisation process it started after independence in 1990.

In the case of Lithuania, its national identity reflects traumatizing historical experiences and the values that were infused by the Soviet Union, as well as the values that were reinforced by fighting for independence. Not only national identity shapes Lithuania as a unique member of the European Union, but it also directly influences Lithuanian foreign policy. Despite the fact that Lithuania with its post-Soviet identity might still appear to be not a complete and modern member of the European Union compared to other, more economically and politically developed European Union members, Lithuania, because of the specific factors shaping its identity, became a member that is the most optimistic and supportive of the European Union, as well as one characterized by a strong protection of its national identity and empathy for the countries that have had similar historical experiences. As the transition is still ongoing: younger generations with modern values in Lithuania gradually change the older, more restrained generations infused with harsh memories of the Soviet Union, therefore, Lithuania will gradually become a fully integrated member of the European Union as it makes progresses in the democratisation process it started after independence in 1990.

In the case of Lithuania, its national identity reflects traumatizing historical experiences and the values that were infused by the Soviet Union, as well as the values that were reinforced by fighting for independence. Not only national identity shapes Lithuania as a unique member of the European Union, but it also directly influences Lithuanian foreign policy. Despite the fact that Lithuania with its post-Soviet identity might still appear to be not a complete and modern member of the European Union compared to other, more economically and politically developed European Union members, Lithuania, because of the specific factors shaping its identity, became a member that is the most optimistic and supportive of the European Union, as well as one characterized by a strong protection of its national identity and empathy for the countries that have had similar historical experiences. As the transition is still ongoing: younger generations with modern values in Lithuania gradually change the older, more restrained generations infused with harsh memories of the Soviet Union, therefore, Lithuania will gradually become a fully integrated member of the European Union as it makes progresses in the democratisation process it started after independence in 1990.

In the case of Lithuania, its national identity reflects traumatizing historical experiences and the values that were infused by the Soviet Union, as well as the values that were reinforced by fighting for independence. Not only national identity shapes Lithuania as a unique member of the European Union, but it also directly influences Lithuanian foreign policy. Despite the fact that Lithuania with its post-Soviet identity might still appear to be not a complete and modern member of the European Union compared to other, more economically and politically developed European Union members, Lithuania, because of the specific factors shaping its identity, became a member that is the most optimistic and supportive of the European Union, as well as one characterized by a strong protection of its national identity and empathy for the countries that have had similar historical experiences. As the transition is still ongoing: younger generations with modern values in Lithuania gradually change the older, more restrained generations infused with harsh memories of the Soviet Union, therefore, Lithuania will gradually become a fully integrated member of the European Union as it makes progresses in the democratisation process it started after independence in 1990.

Secondly, through three fundamental statements of metatheoretical constructivism (on intersubjective construction of meanings, relationship of ideas and materiality, and mutual constitutive relation of structure and agency) it is demonstrated how they are transformed and applied in more particular theoretical and empirical works of international relation discipline. The analysis of social construction of meaning is presented through the research on the representations of US national interests during the Cold war. The securitization theory demonstrates how the analysis of the formulation of the security problems allows combining the ideal and the material factors of the state agency into one theoretical model. The mutuality of structure and agency is demonstrated through the international norm research. In the end several recommendation are provided on the main principles of constructivist research in international relations. It is recommended, first, not to be afraid of methodological and theoretical experiments, second, to realize that the constructivist methodological positions is best defined as methodological pluralism, third, to remember that the constructivist research design is inseparable from the researched problem and the understanding of the social world.