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The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the humanitarian components of the latest Russian-Ukrainian war, which is qualified by its authors as a hybrid war. In principle, it is about the ideological basis, historical and religious mythology, and the information support of Russia's revanchist policy in Ukraine, which the current Russian regime uses in its armed aggression against Ukraine. The authors convincingly and argumentatively prove that non-military instruments in Russia's war against Ukraine are subordinated to a single goal – the restoration of the Russian empire and its international political influence. In order to achieve this goal, the Putin regime uses all the means available to it, including the spread of pseudo-historical myths and fakes that justify the expansionist policy of the Kremlin in Ukraine and in the countries of the post-Soviet space. Using a widely sourced base, the authors of the article refute the most common Russian pseudo-historical narratives.

The state's energy policy is one of the most important public policies affecting the safety of citizens and the development of the state, and the LNG Terminal in Świnoujście is a tool for shaping Polish energy policy. The installation was put into use in 2015. Currently, its capabilities guarantee the supply of 1/3 of the national gas demand, and after the expansion, it will be already a half. Energy as a product must be available continuously, also in times of national and international perturbations such as pandemics. The aim of the article is to investigate whether the COVID-19 pandemic affected the operation of the terminal and the import of liquefied natural gas to Poland. The author used the microsystem analysis as a research method and answered the questions: "How did the Szczecin-Świnoujście port function during the pandemic?," "How was shipping functioning during the pandemic?," and "How did LNG prices develop during the pandemic?".

The information age driving globalization processes determines the increasing importance of socio-cultural factors for international, regional and national security. Due to the interdependence of various security spheres, geopolitics and historical memory of the societies of the Central European region, and the expansionary Russian policy from the beginning of the 21st century, attention is paid to supporting military operations with soft power, in particular, highly effective cultural policy in post-Soviet countries. Research conducted in the years 2012-2017 among security experts provided information on the key aspects of non-military security in Central Europe and to develop recommendations on new socio-cultural threats to Central European countries after 2014. In the course of the research work, literature on the subject, research materials from the University of Warsaw and CBOS (Research Center for Public Opinion, Warsaw) were used, as well as own research conducted in selected countries of the Visegrad Group, analyzed using the SWOT method.

Chinese Belt and Road initiative (BRI) is not only an economic or political project, but also has the potential to transform the international system. The initiative's impact is large – from stimulating the financing of infrastructure investments in various countries around the world to the development of new global supply chains. The scientific goal of the article is to analyze the consequences of implementing the initiative. The research problem is included in the following question: does the Belt and Road Initiative contribute to increasing Chinese influence in the world and carries the risk of driving poorer countries into the ―debt trap‖? The conclusion from the article is that China should create an improved version of the BRI initiative based on a better risk assessment of the current projects. Infrastructure investments, if not carefully implemented and controlled, may lead to consequences, such as increasing the debt of some countries in the long term.

The novel coronavirus pandemic has triggered an economic slowdown worldwide, aggravating those steadily accumulated inequalities in income and wealth redistribution. Western-type capitalism, international cooperation, and European integration have found themselves at risk. This article points out the resemblances and dissimilarities in policies combating the recessions of 2008 and 2020 on both sides of the Atlantic, focusing specifically on the EU and Canada. It assesses the rising popularity of the welfarestate concept applied both to individuals and entire businesses deemed essential for democracy, notably in the EU, for which the protection of citizens' well-being and solidarity values are at the core of bloc integration. Conceptually conflicting solutions for those crises reflect a profound shift in policy making, reinforcing state interventions vs the neoliberal approach and intensifying discussions on a universal basic income as a tool in redressing socio-economic inequalities. This paper highlights the need for a trans-disciplinary approach to benefi t policy making.

Państwa Unii Europejskiej, po ogłoszeniu przez Wielką Brytanię decyzji o opuszczeniu Wspólnoty, muszą ponownie zredefiniować swoje podejście do polityki obronnej i kluczowej w tym zakresie Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. Inicjatywy podjęte w ostatnim czasie w obszarze uwiarygodniania UE na arenie międzynarodowej, wskazują na determinację pozostałych państw członkowskich, by budować politykę obronną w oparciu o projekty, które przez lata nie miały szansy na urzeczywistnienie, właśnie z powodu sprzeciwu Londynu. ; The countries of the European Union, after the announcement by the UK of its decision to leave the Community, must redefine their approach to defence policy special in frame of Common Security and Defence Policy. Recent initiatives in the area of making the EU credible on the international stage show the determination of other Member States to build their defence policies on the basis of projects that for years have had no chance of becoming a reality, precisely because of the opposition of London.

Georgia's strategic location in the Caucasus means that it has always been in the spotlight of world powers, especially Russia. An opportunity for Georgia is to build and deepen democratic processes, social, economic and political reforms and to establish cooperation with international structures. Georgia declared independence on 9th April 1991 and on 26th May 1991 general presidential elections were held under the banner "Georgia for Georgians". Despite the announcements made by successive presidents, Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Eduard Shevardnadze, the attempts to carry out political and economic reforms failed. In 2003, an opportunity for democratic change turned up. It was the Rose Revolution and its leader, Micheil Saakashvili. After his first successes, however, it turned out that he also did not stray from authoritarianism, the strengthening of the president's position, and even from the use of force (2007). The next stages and the possibility of democratic changes were to be parliamentary elections in 2012 and 2016 and presidential elections in 2013.

Państwa Unii Europejskiej, po ogłoszeniu przez Wielką Brytanię decyzji o opuszczeniu Wspólnoty, muszą ponownie zredefiniować swoje podejście do polityki obronnej i kluczowej w tym zakresie Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. Inicjatywy podjęte w ostatnim czasie w obszarze uwiarygodniania UE na arenie międzynarodowej, wskazują na determinację pozostałych państw członkowskich, by budować politykę obronną w oparciu o projekty, które przez lata nie miały szansy na urzeczywistnienie, właśnie z powodu sprzeciwu Londynu. ; The countries of the European Union, after the announcement by the UK of its decision to leave the Community, must redefine their approach to defence policy special in frame of Common Security and Defence Policy. Recent initiatives in the area of making the EU credible on the international stage show the determination of other Member States to build their defence policies on the basis of projects that for years have had no chance of becoming a reality, precisely because of the opposition of London.

Celem niniejszego tekstu jest spojrzenie na studia z zakresu integracji europejskiej z perspektywy ekonomii politycznej. Zabieg taki pozwala na uchwycenie dwóch głównych wymiarów natury Unii Europejskiej, tj. ekonomicznego i politycznego, jak również stymulowania dialogu pomiędzy tymi dwoma sposobami teoretyzowania integracji europejskiej. Niniejszy tekst przybliża zasadniczo ekonomiczny dorobek w zakresie studiów europejskich (w sposób przystępny dla nie-ekonomistów), pozwalając na lepsze zrozumienie procesów, zjawisk i mechanizmów integracji międzynarodowej. ; The objective of the article is to see the studies on European integration from the perspective of the political economy, which allows to capture the two most important dimensions of the European Union, that is the economic and political one. It also stimulates the dialog between the two ways of theorising the European integration. The proposed text reconstructs the economic discourse in the European studies (in a way which is friendly for non-economists') and helps to better understand the processes, phenomena and mechanics of international integration.

Celem niniejszego tekstu jest spojrzenie na studia z zakresu integracji europejskiej z perspektywy ekonomii politycznej. Zabieg taki pozwala na uchwycenie dwóch głównych wymiarów natury Unii Europejskiej, tj. ekonomicznego i politycznego, jak również stymulowania dialogu pomiędzy tymi dwoma sposobami teoretyzowania integracji europejskiej. Niniejszy tekst przybliża zasadniczo ekonomiczny dorobek w zakresie studiów europejskich (w sposób przystępny dla nie-ekonomistów), pozwalając na lepsze zrozumienie procesów, zjawisk i mechanizmów integracji międzynarodowej. ; The objective of the article is to see the studies on European integration from the perspective of the political economy, which allows to capture the two most important dimensions of the European Union, that is the economic and political one. It also stimulates the dialog between the two ways of theorising the European integration. The proposed text reconstructs the economic discourse in the European studies (in a way which is friendly for non-economists') and helps to better understand the processes, phenomena and mechanics of international integration.

Myślą przewodnią artykułu jest próba naszkicowania narzędzia analitycznego, które usystematyzowałoby rozważania nad możliwymi wariantami rozwoju Unii Europejskiej w wyniku splotu okoliczności wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych. Pod uwagę brane są perspektywy dalszego postępu, zatrzymania i upadku integracji, oddziaływania postępowania Rosji i przemian w szerszym środowisku międzynarodowym. W tym celu wykorzystane zostało podejścia wypracowane przez wpływowy nurt badawczy, nazywany szkołą kopenhaską: teoria kompleksów bezpieczeństwa. ; The main goal of the article is an attempt to outline an analytical tool that would systematize considerations of the possible variants of the development of the European Union as a result of a coincidence of internal and external circumstances. Prospects of further progress, stop, and fall of integration, impacts of the proceedings of Russia and changes in the broader international environment are taken into account. For this purpose an approach developed by the influential mainstream research, called the Copenhagen school, has been implemented : the theory of security complexes.

The Ukraine crisis, which started at the end of November 2013 and in April 2015 turned into armed confl ict in the east of Ukraine, had a negative impact on the geopolitical situation of Poland; it compromised Poland's security and impaired the perception of security among the majority of Polish society. This article's objective is to outline the direct implications of the crisis and confl ict in Ukraine for the security of Poland. These implications include: destabilization of the international security with serious consequences for the security of Poland; an increased sense of threat from Russia in Polish society; increased efforts of Polish foreign and security policy-makers to strengthen military defense potential; reinforcement of NATO's cohesion and its more active involvement in Polish and Central European security; enhanced cooperation between Poland and the United States in the fi eld of military defense; and increased threats to the economic stability of Poland.

The article is devoted to the process of creating European structures after 1990, and in particular the actions taken by the representatives of the Polish state. An effective process of bringing Poland closer to the European structures began with the actions that were aimed at establishing Poland's membership in the Council of Europe; those actions, however, were also aimed at obtaining member status in other specialized organizations, such as: the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the International Energy Agency (IEA), and the Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA). These accessions were followed with a crowning achievement of obtain ing a full member status in the NATO. Nevertheless, it was accession to the EU that required particular engagement from all environments, including both political and academic. The author, who was directly involved in those events, pays particular attention to the works and output of the Convention on the Future of Europe (the European Convention).