Suchergebnisse

In international relations, international security combines that set of international relations that ensures global stability. In other words, international security is a state in which states are not threatened by war or by any breach of their sovereignty or independent development by other states. In accordance with the UN Charter, the Security Council currently has the main task of ensuring world peace, also having the sole right to impose sanctions against aggressors. The idea of international security, its realization in practice is determined by historical, economic, political, social conditions, as well as other factors. The problem of international security arose with the formation of the state institution, being always close to the problem of war and peace. Over time, there has been a change in the ability to analyze and report security issues. Along with these, both the policies and the security strategies of contemporary societies have undergone a process of metamorphosis.

As a sovereign and independent state, the Republic of Moldova has been going, for more than two decades, through a long process of asserting the country globally, certifying the status of the Republic of Moldova as a member of the international community and subject to international law. An important role in this sense is also the membership of our state in various regional and international organizations, and of increased interest are those specialized in combating all forms of organized crime. Taking into account its geographical position, but also the socio-human factor, we can not neglect the strategic role played for this purpose by the organizations from the Community of Independent States, those from the Black Sea Basin, or the Western Balkans. Thus, this article aims to review the most important regional and international organizations fighting cross-border organized crime of which our country is a member, with the presentation of the activity and role of the Republic of Moldova within them

Corruption manifests at an international, regional and national level, it can be considered a phenomenon of society that has a negative impact on the political, juridical, and economic system and the public services of a state. As a response to this phenomenon, the state develops anti-corruption instruments, which are: laws, normative acts, standards, political commitments, mandates for the creation of institutions and mechanisms, measures and actions against corruption. In this article are investigated anti-corruption instruments at international, regional, national, and local levels and institutional anti-corruption instruments. Moreover, it is analyzed the efficiency of anti-corruption instruments used by the National Anticorruption Center, an anti-corruption specialized institute. In conclusion, it is emphasized the importance of the realization of anti-corruption measures in Moldova, making use of international experience and developing national instruments, that correspond to the local specifics and conditions.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.

This article examines the influence of the soft power on the process of ensuring the national interests of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova. The author determines soft power as an important mean of securing national interests, an essential component of the process of realizing relations between states, deducting that soft power contributes to the foundation and promotion of national interests, the consolidation of stability, of order and peace and the creation of a positive image of the state on the international arena. Taking into consideration that the concept of soft power has developed, gaining a legal foundation in the Russian Federation quite recently, the importance of research on the subject is growing to follow how this concept has been defined and how its own action plan is developed and materialized without adapting the Western templates to Russian realities. The research of the soft power role in promoting the national interests of the Republic of Moldova stems from the fact that our state requires a clarification of the foreign policy objectives and their means of realization, a determination of the role of soft power, its specificity and its efficiency in the transmission of values by a democratic and modern state to other actors of the international process.

Monografia jest rezultatem wysiłku intelektualnego, którego podjęli się wspólnie naukowcy z Mołdawii, Niemiec, Polski, Rumunii, Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki i Ukrainy podczas Międzynarodowej Konferencji Naukowej "Wspólne dziedzictwo kulturowe i językowe" w Jastrowiu w czerwcu 2019 roku. Na publikację składają się poszerzone wersje wypowiedzi zaprezentowanych podczas tego spotkania. Tom, który oddajemy do rąk Czytelnika, pomyślany jest jako zbiór zróżnicowanych spojrzeń na problematykę dziedzictwa. Języki i kultury Bukowiny stały się inspiracją dla analiz wychodzących poza tematykę tego regionu. Autorzy tekstów reprezentują różne perspektywy i dyscypliny naukowe: językoznawstwo, kulturoznawstwo, literaturoznawstwo, historię, politologię, socjologię, etnologię i historię sztuki. Do tomu zaproszono doświadczonych naukowców i młodych badaczy zajmujących się bogactwem językowym i kulturowym historycznej Bukowiny, obszaru karpackiego oraz Europy Środkowej. Książka składa się z trzech części. Część pierwsza obejmuje teksty poświęcone językowi rozumianemu jako dziedzictwo kulturowe. Część druga poświęcona jest pamięci dziedzictwa. Kolejna część prezentuje dziedzictwo kulturowe w działaniach społecznych i aktywności twórczej. ; This collective monograph comes as a result of intellectual work undertaken jointly by the American, German, Moldovan, Polish, Romanian and Ukrainian scholars who participated in the international conference entitled "Bukowina: Wspólne dziedzictwo kulturowe i językowe" (Bukovina: Common Cultural and Linguistic Heritage), held in Jastrowie, Poland, in June 2019. The present volume, which contains extended versions of their papers, is conceived as a collection providing different perspectives on the issue of cultural heritage. The cultures and languages of Bukovina have also inspired contributions which go beyond the issues of the region but are related to it in the geographical or cultural sense. The invited authors represent various perspectives and fields of study: linguistics, cultural studies, literary studies, history, political studies, sociology, ethnology and art history. The list of contributors includes experienced scholars and young promising researchers studying the cultural and linguistic richness of the historical Bukovina, the Carpathian region and Central Europe. The volume consists of three parts. The first one includes contributions on language as cultural heritage. The second part is devoted to the memory of heritage. Part three presents cultural heritage in social and creative activity. ; Publikacja przygotowana w ramach zadania: "Międzynarodowa konferencja naukowa Wspólne dziedzictwo kulturowe i językowe" – zadanie finansowane w ramach umowy 570/P-DUN/2019 ze środków Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego przeznaczonych na działalność upowszechniającą naukę. ; The work has been prepared in fulfilment of the task "Common Cultural and Linguistic Heritage – an international conference", financed under contract no. 570/P-DUN/2019 from the funds of the Minister of Science and Higher Education allocated for the dissemination of science.

The European Charter of Local Self-Government is, so far, the first and most important international political tool which guarantees the development of decentralization of public power and local autonomy. It represents the commitment of the Council of Europe's member country to promote in the internal organization of their states, a new distribution of functions and powers in order to support the development of subnational levels.
In carrying out the delimitation process of responsibilities between levels of public power's achievement we should start from the provisions of The European Charter of Local Self-Government which is based on institutional practices and structures, tested for decades in dozen of European countries. That means rationing, giving up improper structures, which would result the removing of the vertical power and as consequence the demolition of foundations on which inefficiency and corruption are based on. The necessity of transferring the resources and powers to the local level is dictated by a vital imperative – the strengthening of local public authorities' capacities and potential in order to locally provide a maximum volume of qualitative public services. This requires creating a clear and simple demarcation algorithm of responsibilities between the levels of exercise of public power.

The current financial and economic crisis has highlighted the inadequacy of existing institutional and policy arrangements at the EU level. Even before this crisis, the EU economic growth was low, by international standards, revealing deep structural problems across EU countries, especially in the Southern flank. Macroeconomic imbalances have been building up, exposing a stratified EU with divergences in productivity and competitiveness, with rigidity of labour markets, impeding efficient market responses to shocks. The Monetary Union does not have adequate institutional arrangements, which may help it manage a major crisis, such as that of a last-call borrower, depreciation and burden-sharing mechanisms of asymmetric shocks, etc; various sui generis formulas are now being tested. Fiscal reactions vary depending on the level of the debts and on the speed these accumulate; at the same time, these are linked to the size of the budgetary expenditure and fiscal revenues as percentage in the GDP. The sooner the growth picks up, the more acceptable is the downsizing of the certain expenditure and/or the rise of some taxes, so that the ratio between the public debt and the GDP stabilizes (reduces, when it is the case).

International audience ; The article questions, in a skeptical and prospective way, the institutional outcomes of this major trans-national trend of administrative reformism known as "New Public Management". In our view, the main cross-border legacy of the process of acclimatizing NPM precepts and recipes to various national configurations consists essentially in institutional rearrangements and in a repertoire of managerial tools and recipes, embedded into different institutional orders and hybridized with many other key features of various administrative cultures. Backing up major administrative reforms started several decades ago, the NPM rhetoric claimed to furnish the universal cure for the "bureaucratic" disease which was supposedly affecting the developed states at the end of the 1970s. From then on and although it never acquired the inner coherence of a real doctrine, it spread all over the world at the point of becoming both a "policy paradigm" and a "praxeologic". However, once implemented and in order to endure, the NPM-inspired logics, instruments, and methods have fatally begun to suffer a process of routinization which transformed them significantly. Hence, far from achieving their initial goal of "de-bureaucratizing" the state, NPM reformism became part of the endless processes of bureaucratic reproduction inescapably affecting modern states and ensuring their resilience.

The combination of the words "sustainable development" has become a popular slogan in the discourse of contemporary development. However, despite its ubiquity and the massive popularity it has accumulated over the years, the concept remains to be partially researched. There are still many questions about its significance and history, as well as about what it implies in terms of sustainability from a theoretical and applied point of view. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the research of sustainability approaches in the light of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This is achieved through an extensive analysis of the literature, combining the theoretical aspects of the subject studied with the practical dimensions, which are easier to measure. According to the "Global Survey on Sustainability and the SDGs", the main sustainability benchmarks are essentially anchored on distinct but interconnected three-dimensional pillars, namely the environment, the economy and society. Decision-makers must constantly pay attention to the relationships, complementarities and trade-offs between these pillars and ensure responsible human behavior at international, national and community level. ; Garbuz, Veronica. Abordarea sustenabilităţii prin prisma obiectivelor de dezvoltare durabilă / Veronica Garbuz, Oleg Petelca, Iurie Beşliu // Tradiţie şi inovare în cercetarea ştiinţifică : Materialele Conf. Şt. cu participare Intern., Ed. a 10-a, 8 oct. 2021. – Bălţi : [S. n.], 2022 (CEU US). – Vol. 1. – P. 221-227. – ISBN 978-9975-50-271-9.

It is certain that contemporary higher education institutions have entered the era of great transformation. The environment they operate in has changed fundamentally: professional knowledge and skills have become the main generator of economic development. At the same time, the university is no longer the only provider of high-quality knowledge. Competition on the market of knowledge and academic education services is getting tougher. The efforts made by national education in modernizing and reforming the national higher educational system, in the context of European rigors and exigencies, would not be that obvious if they were not supported by our international partners through various community programs. The successful promotion of reforms in the educational system becomes possible only in terms of identifying, taking over good European practices in the field and implementing/ institutionalizing beneficial and valuable elements for the national higher education system. Good enforcement of reforming provisions is not possible unless there is a cooperative framework between the three main actors. The government shall implement new modern policies in higher education system; the civil society, on its turn shall take the responsibility and availability to be engaged in the reforming processes, and the higher education institutions shall accept the new context and implement the reforms on the institutional level, cooperating in the same way with the other two actors, meanwhile paying attention to the labour market.

The Jews of Hungary had to face difficult situations at the end of the war. Before the Holocaust, they were approximatively 756 000-800 000 people in the extended Hungary, so it shows Tamás Stark in the study Hungarian Jewry during the Holocaust and after liberation. From them almost 600 000 died during Nazi and Hungarian persecutions. Budapest was an important train station for the returned Jews. Once they arrived in Hungary they saw that the series of difficulties continue. They were in impossibility to regain their old houses, they did not have sufficient money to survive. They were helped by the international organization Joint Distribution Committee to survive. Hungarian antisemitism was a feeling that did not manifest all of a sudden, it grew in time. The interwar period time was a time when this antisemitism manifested itself including through the law numerus clausus which limited the number of Hungarian students in universities and which was imposed in these years. Antisemitism was abolished immediately after the end of the war. Most Jews chose the path of assimilation in Hungarian communist state in spite of the persecutions which they had suffered before. A new system was emerging on the horizon, the communism, which promised the equality of all citizens in the Hungarian state, no matter of their ethnic background. A lot of Jews accepted this system and chose to keep secret the fact that they were Jews and did not tell their children about their origin.

In this article is analyzed the essence and importance of soft power in the US foreign speech, as well as directions of activity of this instrument under the conditions of the Republic of Moldova. The soft power concept, its manifestations and its main sources are determined. It is argued that soft power is a mean to obtain favorable results, relying on conviction, voluntary participation, sympathy and attraction, representing the ability to influence other states in order to achieve own goals, through cooperation in certain areas, directed towards persuasion and formation of a positive perception. It is noted that the US government pays particular attention to soft power tools, implemented by both government agencies and a large number of community organizations and individuals, with the purpose of shaping a positive external image of the state. Regarding the implementation of the US soft power instruments under the conditions of the Republic of Moldova, it is concluded that the USA offers real opportunities in order to know and capitalize the achievements of the American nation. Given that the US is a superpower on the international arena, development of a strategic partnership between the Republic of Moldova and the US has a particular relevance in solving several problems that our state cope with, such as state integrity, European integration, democratization of society, etc. US has a rich and successful experience in the use of soft power, that is why the Republic of Moldova should "adopt" some certain aspects of the soft action in its foreign policy.