Suchergebnisse

In this article there is analyzed how the international administrations that exercise a governmental power in post conflict territories justify their political authority without having democratic legitimacy. In the article it is studied, both the establishment, the mandates and the practices of government of the international administrations of Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor, and they are identified five sources for this authority: the assent, the delegation, the maintenance of the peace and the safety, the promotion of the human rights and the democracy, and the disposition to govern. Nevertheless, all these aspects are questionable. Concretely, the authority of the international administrations is weakened due to its practices, to the unexistence of any obligation for accountability and to the limited efficiency at the moment of arranging government. To conclude, in the article are outlined some possible ways for the reinforcement of the authority of the international administrations. ; En este artículo se analiza cómo las administraciones internacionales que ejercen un poder gubernamental en territorios post conflicto justifican su autoridad política sin tener legitimidad democrática. En el artículo se estudia el establecimiento, los mandatos y las prácticas de gobierno de las administraciones de Bosnia, Kosovo y Timor Oriental y se identifican cinco fundamentos de la autoridad: el consentimiento, la delegación, el mantenimiento de la paz y la seguridad, el fomento de los derechos humanos y la democracia, y la disposición para gobernar. No obstante, todos estos aspectos son cuestionables. En concreto, la autoridad de las administraciones internacionales se debilita debido a sus prácticas, a que no existe la obligación rendir cuentas y a la efectividad limitada a la hora de disponer gobierno. Para concluir, en el artículo se destacan algunas posibles vías de refuerzo de la autoridad de las administraciones internacionales.

In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major political element and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, the aim is to preserve national independence, avoid military intervention and integrate into the international system. For Spain, it seeks to assert its status as a major power with the capacity to intervene in defence of its citizens and to obtain the necessary reparations. This work is then structured around three issues: the debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of an extradition treaty for offenders and deserters. ; International audience In the nineteenth century one of the key conditions for recognition of sovereignity of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain order and ensure the lives and properties of nationals abroad. Justice, then, becomes a political element of the first order and the case of Spanish-Mexican relations is particularly significant. For Mexico, it is to preserve national independence, to avoid a military intervention and to integrate into the international system. For Spain, it is asserting its status as a great power with the ability to speak in defense of its citizens and to obtain the necessary repairs. This work is structured so on three issues: debt and financial claims of the Spaniards, the punishment of those guilty of the murders of Spaniards and the negotiation of a treaty on extradition of criminals and deserters. ; In the nineteenth century, one of the essential conditions for obtaining recognition of the sovereignty of a state by the international community was the ability to maintain internal order and guarantee the lives and property of foreign nationals. Justice then becomes a major ...

This article analyses the evolution of humanitarianism from its classical version. The elements which are studied are those that shape the international regime of humanitarian action, and how it was transformed in the nineties. How it came in crisis shocked by several factors at the end of the Cold War, and because of the contact with another growing regimes. Political and humanitarian spheres converged in the so called "new humanitarianism", which motivated a change of regime which is maintained and radicalized after September the 11th, with the closer tie between aid and security. Starting from here, it is posed that this transformation has been accompanied with the evolution of the construction of the image of the communities that receive the help. From being considered passive victims of the conflicts, up to being seen as active agents, with capacity of socioeconomic transformation, and liberal peace construction; or destabilization. ; El artículo analiza la evolución del humanitarismo desde su versión más clásica. Se estudian los elementos que ordenan el régimen internacional de la acción humanitaria y cómo este se transforma en la década de los noventa, entra en crisis conmocionado por diversos factores al final de la Guerra Fría y en el contacto con otros regímenes en expansión. La esfera política y humanitaria convergen en lo que se ha venido a denominar el "nuevo humanitarismo", dando lugar a un cambio de régimen que se mantiene y radicaliza después del 11-S con la creciente vinculación entre ayuda y seguridad. Partiendo de ahí, se plantea que esta transformación ha ido acompañada de una construcción evolutiva de la imagen de las comunidades receptoras de ayuda que, de víctimas pasivas de los conflictos, han pasado a ser consideradas como agentes activos, con capacidad de transformación socioeconómica y de construcción de paz liberal o de desestabilización.

The main purpose of this essay is to sustain the thesis of the priority application of international law over domestic law through a methodical and systematic interpretation of the Spanish Constitution of 1978. This qualification is not exclusive of the Spanish case. Constitutional systems such as that applicable in Germany before reunification, both in the Federal and in the Democratic Republic established the equivalence of general international law and domestic laws and, as the case may be, the prevalence of conventional international law. Although pertaining to a different legal system, mention should be made of English common law, so as to point that the Spanish Constitution is not an isolated and unusual case among homogeneous legal spaces, but follows a tradition common to almost all present legal systems. ; El presente ensayo tiene como finalidad principal exponer la tesis de la aplicación constitucional preferente del derecho internacional respecto del derecho interno, acudiendo a una interpretación metódica y sistemática de la Constitución española de 1978. Pero esta cualificación no es privativa del ordenamiento constitucional español. Sistemas como el alemán anterior a la reunificación, tanto de la República Federal como de la República Democrática, imponían la equivalencia del Derecho internacional general respecto a los ordenamientos internos y, en su caso, la prevalencia del derecho internacional convencional. Es pertinente citar, aunque pertenezca a un conjunto jurídico distinto, el caso del common law inglés y con eso queremos señalar que la Constitución española no es un supuesto aislado y extraño entre espacios jurídicos homogéneos, sino que sigue una tradición común a casi todos los sistemas jurídicos actuales.

Review-Essay of: YOUNG, Oran (ed.) Global Governance. Drawing Insights from the Environmental Experience, The MIT Press, Cambridge, 1997. CONCA, Ken, Governing Water. Contentious Transnational Politics and Global Institution Building, The MIT Press, Cambridge, 2006. ; Review-Essay de: YOUNG, Oran (ed.) Global Governance. Drawing Insights from the Environmental Experience, The MIT Press, Cambridge, 1997. CONCA, Ken, Governing Water. Contentious Transnational Politics and Global Institution Building, The MIT Press, Cambridge, 2006.

The article is dealing in the first place with the definition of (offshore) outsourcing in relation with foreign direct investment and international subcontracting process, as well as with some connected issues such as fragmentation of the production process, international production relocation, de-industrialisation in developed countries and industrialisation in newly industrialising, now coined emerging countries. In the second place, it aims at finding how global strategy differentiates from traditional MNC strategies and how much outsourcing fits with such global strategy. The last section of the article briefly screens the economic impact of outsourcing on the world trade structure – with the two enlightening snapshots of global trade in sports goods and European Union 15's outward processing trade with Central Eastern European countries (CEECs)-, as well as on home developed and host emerging countries. The article conclusion is that outsourcing has grown faster than world trade in the past two decades and has skyrocketed during the very last years because it is a cornerstone of a new global strategy adopted by multinational companies since the late 1980s. ; The article is dealing in the first place with the definition of (offshore) outsourcing in relation with foreign direct investment and international subcontracting process, as well as with some connected issues such as fragmentation of the production process, international production relocation, de-industrialisation in developed countries and industrialisation in newly industrialising, now coined emerging countries. In the second place, it aims at finding how global strategy differentiates from traditional MNC strategies and how much outsourcing fits with such global strategy. The last section of the article briefly screens the economic impact of outsourcing on the world trade structure – with the two enlightening snapshots of global trade in sports goods and European Union 15's outward processing trade with Central Eastern European countries (CEECs)-, as well as on home developed and host emerging countries. The article conclusion is that outsourcing has grown faster than world trade in the past two decades and has skyrocketed during the very last years because it is a cornerstone of a new global strategy adopted by multinational companies since the late 1980s.

Security nowadays is a theme of great importance, both in the international politics and in the domestic agendas. In this sense, security as a concept has permeated the different spheres of society. Since its re-characterization after the end of the Cold War, security as a concept has gone to include a diversity of subjects, objects of threats, as well as a great variety of these. The different theories of international relations have been present to explain not only the own dynamics of the international system, but have also supported the evolution of a traditional concept of security supported in the political realism, to a new concept based on complex interdependency. ; La seguridad hoy en día es un tema de gran importancia tanto en la agenda de política internacional como en la doméstica. En este sentido, la seguridad como concepto ha permeado los diferentes estamentos de la sociedad. Desde su re conceptualización, después del fin de la Guerra Fría, la seguridad como concepto ha pasado a incluir diferentes sujetos objetos de amenazas, así como una gran variedad de éstas. Las diferentes teorías de relaciones internacionales han estado presentes para explicar no sólo la dinámica propia del sistema internacional, sino que también ha fundamentado la evolución de un concepto tradicional de seguridad sustentado en el realismo político, a un nuevo concepto basado en la interdependencia compleja.

Review-Essay of: ROBERTSON, Geoffrey, Crímenes contra la Humanidad. La lucha por una justicia global, Ed. Siglo XXI, Madrid, 2008. DEL PONTE, Carla, La caza. Yo y los criminales, Ed. Ariel, Barcelona, 2009. ; Review-Essay de: ROBERTSON, Geoffrey, Crímenes contra la Humanidad. La lucha por una justicia global, Ed. Siglo XXI, Madrid, 2008. DEL PONTE, Carla, La caza. Yo y los criminales, Ed. Ariel, Barcelona, 2009.

When the UN Security Council authorized the military intervention in Haiti and passed a resolution creating a peacekeeping force in the country, it lacked a precise diagnosis on the character of the Haitian state, its history, the essential qualities of the ongoing conflict, as well as the nature of the violence the country was experiencing. This explains why, after almost five years of UN presence in Haiti, recurrent instability and persistent violence are still common features in the Caribbean nation. The kind of intervention and the strategies implemented by the international community to pacify the country were inappropriate and they proved to be ineffective in tackling cases such as the Haitian one. The peace enforcement mission deployed to the country used military deterrence to contain external manifestations of the violence, thereby "freezing" the conflict and pursuing the organization of massive and transparent elections that were held on 6 February 2006. However, the present and historical causes provoking and reproducing the violence in Haiti violence are still in place. Democracy cannot thrive in the absence of a state structure able to guarantee a political order with a minimum of institutional development, particularly, when "disorder" has become the preferred political tool for some local actors in order to maintain the status quo. The benefits of a normalized institutional life, in a context of state absence, are not sustainable for the long term. ; En el momento de autorizar la intervención militar y la posterior creación de la misión de mantenimiento de la paz, de enero a junio del 2004, el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU carecía de un diagnóstico preciso sobre el carácter del Estado haitiano y su historia, el tipo de conflicto y la naturaleza de la violencia en el país, lo que explica, a casi cuatro años de esa intervención, la recurrente inestabilidad y la persistencia de la violencia en la nación caribeña. El tipo de intervención y las estrategias de pacificación utilizadas por la comunidad internacional fueron inapropiadas y se mostraron ineficaces para atender casos como el haitiano. La misión de imposición de la paz desplegada en el país utilizó la disuasión militar para contener las manifestaciones externas de la violencia "congelando" así el conflicto y garantizando la realización de elecciones masivas y transparentes el 6 de Febrero de 2006. Sin embargo, las causas presentes e históricas que generan y reproducen esta violencia siguen intactas. La democracia no puede prosperar en ausencia de un estado que garantice un orden político con un mínimo de institucionalidad, particularmente, cuando el desorden se ha convertido en el instrumento político por excelencia de algunos actores, para mantener el statu quo. Los beneficios del proceso de normalización democrática, en un contexto de ausencia estatal, no son sostenibles en el tiempo.

This article examines the sources, structures and the possible meaning of Clausewitz's theory. The paper suggests an interpretation of Vom Kriege and provides a comparison with Goethe and Fichte. It points out that Clausewitz set the rationale of an integral politics theory, reintroducing human nature as opposed to culture and creating a classical conceptual order prevailing over Romanticism, as well as forging essential concepts for a critical view of liberalism. ; El presente artículo analiza las fuentes, la estructura y los significados posibles del pensamiento de Clausewitz. Propone una interpretación de Vom Kriege en sintonía con el pensamiento de Goethe y Fichte. Señala que Clausewitz construyó los cimientos de una teoría de la política integral, reintroduciendo la naturaleza humana frente a las convenciones. Configurando un orden conceptual clásico dominante sobre ciertos aspectos románticos, Clausewitz forjó conceptos fundamentales para la crítica de la visión liberal de la política.

The evolution of the concept of solidarity introduces the central topic of this article: the relationship between the solidarity of international communism and the role of women. As well as we hope to draw attention not only to the aspects of charity and welfare, related to solidarity, but to the political and civic values of solidarity and its primary relationship with women's history. To do this, we will analyze the relevant work carried out by women in the areas of aid and solidarity within the context of the convulsive decades of the Twenties and Thirties in the 20th Century in Europe and in Spain. Our study will focus upon the Comintern organization, the International Red Aid (IRA), and more generally the field of the internationalization of female solidarity. ; La evolución del concepto de solidaridad introduce la temática central de este artículo: la solidaridad internacional de matriz comunista y el papel de las mujeres. El valor políticocivil, más que el asistencial y benéfico de la solidaridad es lo que se pretende subrayar, así como su relación preferente con la historia de las mujeres. En el contexto de las convulsas décadas de los veinte y treinta del siglo XX en Europa y en España se analizará, en el marco de la organización cominterniana del Socorro Rojo Internacional y más en general en el contexto de la internacionalización de la solidaridad femenina, la relevante labor llevada a cabo por las mujeres en las tareas de ayuda y socorro.

La evolución del concepto de solidaridad introduce la temática central de este artículo: la solidaridad internacional de matriz comunista y el papel de las mujeres. El valor políticocivil, más que el asistencial y benéfico de la solidaridad es lo que se pretende subrayar, así como su relación preferente con la historia de las mujeres. En el contexto de las convulsas décadas de los veinte y treinta del siglo XX en Europa y en España se analizará, en el marco de la organización cominterniana del Socorro Rojo Internacional y más en general en el contexto de la internacionalización de la solidaridad femenina, la relevante labor llevada a cabo por las mujeres en las tareas de ayuda y socorro. ; The evolution of the concept of solidarity introduces the central topic of this article: the relationship between the solidarity of international communism and the role of women. As well as we hope to draw attention not only to the aspects of charity and welfare, related to solidarity, but to the political and civic values of solidarity and its primary relationship with women's history. To do this, we will analyze the relevant work carried out by women in the areas of aid and solidarity within the context of the convulsive decades of the Twenties and Thirties in the 20th Century in Europe and in Spain. Our study will focus upon the Comintern organization, the International Red Aid (IRA), and more generally the field of the internationalization of female solidarity. ; Publicado

Exploring the international dimension of the thought of French philosopher Jacques Maritain (1896-1973), the author deals with potential cooperation between peoples pertaining to various religions, cultures and political systems, respect of human rights and the need for a democratic system -also at the international level- for the achievement of peace. The possibility of a common practical thought that could orient actions of people who hold different theoretical positions would allow common good, both at the domestic and the international levels. All human rights declarations are determined by the moral conscience of civilization, in each historical era. Its fulfillment allows preventing dispersion as well as maintaining hope. ; El autor profundiza la dimensión internacional del pensamiento del filósofo francés Jacques Maritain (1896-1973) sobre la posible cooperaciónentre pueblos de religiones, culturas y sistemas políticos diversos, el respeto a los derechos humanos y la necesidad de un sistema democrático -también a nivel internacional- para el logro de la paz. La posibilidad de un común pensamiento práctico que dirija la acción de personas de distintas posiciones teóricas, permitiría el bien común, tanto nacional como internacional. Toda declaración de derechos humanos está determinada por la conciencia moral de la civilización, en cada etapa histórica. Su respeto permite evitar la disgregación y salvar la esperanza.

This article discusses some of the proposals that modern and contemporary discussions offer on thenormative methods for a New International Order. It treats of the possibility of demanding, as a matter of justice, the transformation of the relations of power in the International economical and political orders, between the richest societies and the poorer ones. Four different models of Internal and Interstate State Order are exposed and criticized. First) The realist model of the Absolutist State which establishes peace internally and externally through dissuasion, and which denies that a criteria of justice can be formulated to de ne the relations between states. Second) The Kantian model of State of Law. Third) The Social State of Rawls with two differentiated models of the contract to de ne the relations in the interior and the exterior and Fourth) the Cosmopolitan Project. Finally, the liberal Project of Justice is criticized because it reduces the problem of the Re-Ordering of the International Order to distributive justice and does not question the structures of the actual Global Economic System. ; En este artículo se discuten algunas de las propuestas planteadas en la discusión moderna y contemporánea sobre los modelos normativos para un nuevo orden internacional. Se plantea si es posible demandar como un asunto de justicia la transformación de las relaciones de poder en el orden económico y político internacional entre las sociedades más ricas y las más pobres. Se exponen y critican cuatro diferentes modelos de orden estatal interno e interestatal. El modelo realista de un Estado absolutista que establece la paz en el interior y en el exterior mediante la disuasión, y que niega que puedan plantearse criterios de justicia para definir las relaciones entre los Estados. En segundo lugar se presenta el modelo del Estado de Derecho de tipo kantiano. Le sigue el Estado social de Rawls con dos modelos diferenciados del contrato para definir las relaciones en el interior y en el exterior; y viene, por último, el proyecto cosmopolita. Por último, se critica el proyecto liberal de justicia porque reduce el problema de la reestructuración del orden internacional a un asunto de justicia distributiva y no cuestiona las estructuras del actual sistema económico global.

RESUMEN: En este artículo se discuten algunas de las propuestas planteadas en la discusión moderna y contemporánea sobre los modelos normativos para un nuevo orden internacional. Se plantea si es posible demandar como un asunto de justicia la transformación de las relaciones de poder en el orden económico y político internacional entre las sociedades más ricas y las más pobres. Se exponen y critican cuatro diferentes modelos de orden estatal interno e interestatal. El modelo realista de un Estado absolutista que establece la paz en el interior y en el exterior mediante la disuasión, y que niega que puedan plantearse criterios de justicia para definirlas relaciones entre los Estados. En segundo lugar se presenta el modelo del Estado de Derecho de tipo kantiano. Le sigue el Estado social de Rawls con dos modelos diferenciados del contrato para definir las relaciones en el interior y en el exterior; y viene, por último, el proyecto cosmopolita. Por último, se critica el proyecto liberal de justicia porque reduce el problema de la reestructuración del orden internacional a un asunto de justicia distributiva y no cuestiona las estructuras del actual sistema económico global. ; ABSTRACT: This article discusses some of the proposals that modern and contemporary discussions offer on the normative methods for a New International Order. It treats of the possibility of demanding, as a matter of justice, the transformation of the relations of power in the International economical and political orders, between the richest societies and the poorer ones. Four different models of Internal and Interstate State Order are exposed and criticized. First) The realist model of the Absolutist State which establishes peace internally and externally through dissuasion, and which denies that a criteria of justice can be formulated to de ne the relations between states. Second) The Kantian model of State of Law. Third) The Social State of Rawls with two differentiated models of the contract to de ne the relations in the interior and the exterior and Fourth) the Cosmopolitan Project. Finally, the liberal Project of Justice is criticized because it reduces the problem of the Re-Ordering of the International Order to distributive justice and does not question the structures of the actual Global Economic System.