Suchergebnisse

"International Ethics within the International Social Contract" published on by Oxford University Press.

"International Organizations and Respect for International Law" published on by Oxford University Press.

Seit den 1990er Jahren nimmt die Bedeutung von Nichtregierungsorganisationen im Umweltvölkerrecht stetig zu. In Anbetracht der Vielzahl an grenzüberschreitenden Umweltproblemen, mit denen sich die Staatengemeinschaft konfrontiert sieht, erscheint eine Zunahme an Umweltschutz-NGOs geradezu als logische Konsequenz. Diese Arbeit hat sich zum Ziel gesetzt, die rechtlichen Grundlagen einer Beteiligung von Umwelt-NGOs, vorwiegend auf internationaler Ebene, darzustellen. Deshalb erfolgt zuerst eine Definition und Erklärung der essentialen Begriffe, um dann eine Kategorisierung von NGOs vorzunehmen. In einem nächsten Schritt werden zwei international agierende Umwelt-NGOs, Greenpeace und der WWF, ausführlich untersucht. Weiter folgt eine Analyse der Stellung von nichtstaatlichen Umweltschutzorganisationen im internationalen System der Vereinten Nationen (VN) und der Europäischen Union (EU). Abschließend wird die Rolle von NGOs bei der Entstehung und der Durchsetzung von internationalem Umweltrecht ermittelt, mit Fokus auf das Internationale Übereinkommen zur Regelung des Walfangs und auf das Übereinkommen über den Zugang zu Informationen, die Öffentlichkeitsbeteiligung an Entscheidungsverfahren und den Zugang zu Gerichten in Umweltangelegenheiten. Nach eingehender Untersuchung lässt sich feststellen, dass wichtige Sonderorganisationen der VN gesetzliche Grundlagen geschaffen haben, damit sich Umwelt-NGOs in dieses System einbringen können. Anders verhält es sich hingegen bei der EU, wo Umweltschutzorganisationen keinen formellen Zugang zu den Organen haben. Auch die Partizipationsmöglichkeiten von NGOs bei internationalen Umweltabkommen sind divergent. Diese sind abhängig vom jeweiligen Vertrag und der Phase in der versucht wird Einfluss zu nehmen. Abzuwarten bleibt, ob in Zukunft der Rechtsstatus von NGOs allgemein verbindlich verankert wird. ; Since the 1990s, the significance of environmental NGOs is steadily increasing. Due to the increase of global environmental challenges, affecting not only single countries but also the international community, this development seems logical. The aim of this thesis is to examine the legal basis of the participation of environmental NGOs with an international focus.Firstly, the author defines and explains essential notions in order to categorize NGOs. Secondly, the two cases of Greenpeace and WWF are analyzed, followed by the study of the legal status of non-state environmental organizations in the international systems of the United Nations (UN) and European Union (EU). Finally, the role of NGOs in the formation and implementation process of international environmental law is examined with the cases of the International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling and the Aarhus Convention. The analysis shows, that important organizations of the UN provide a legal basis for participation of environmental NGOs in the law-making and implementation processes. On the contrary in case of the EU, the findings show that environmental NGOs dont have formal access to the significant law-making institutions. In addition, the findings show that participation possibilities for NGOs in international environmental treaties are divergent and depend on the individual contract and the phase, in which NGOs want to have influence on the treaty. For future development in this field of study, it will be interesting to see whether environmental NGOs will be granted a legally binding status. ; vorgelegt von Agnes Gruber ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2018 ; (VLID)2581372

Historians have all but dispensed with a conventional chronology that marks the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) as the origin of a modern state-centric territorial sovereignty. Instead, they are accumulating evidence that, since at least the early nineteenth century, sovereignty stretches back to the imperial practice of intervention into polities elsewhere on humanitarian grounds. Imperial sovereignty was less uniform than imperial officials and cartographers asserted; instead, as Lauren Benton has argued, it was (and is) usually "more myth than reality, more a story that polities [told] about their own power than a definite quality that they possess[ed]". Then there is the increasing number of historical examples of nonnormative, quasi-invisible forms of extra-territoriality that shaped the global imperial political architecture of the late nineteenth century: from the remaining principalities of the Holy Roman empire, and the conceptually distinctive practices of the Habsburgs as they separated cultural sovereignty from political sovereignty within their imperial territory, to the European claims to commercial and municipal authority in the treaty ports that dotted China's seaboard and river system, carving out the spoils of war.

Award date: 1990 ; Supervisor: A. Cassese ; First made available online 3 September 2015

"International Society" published on by Oxford University Press.

"International Cyberpolitics" published on by Oxford University Press.

Supplements accompany most issued. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; The newspaper was intentionally identified as an "Organ der Unabhängigen Sozial demokratischen Partei Deutschlands" until Dec. 8, when the name of the merged parties appeared in the masthead as Vereinigte Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands. ; Not the organ of the regular Unabhängige Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands but of its radical left wing, which split from that party to join, under the name of Vereinigte Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands. ; A facsimile reprint of the original edition published in Berlin.

International business has always been intimately linked to the politics of the global economy. Expansion and investment strategies of business play a key role in de?ning the architecture of the global economy. The shifting dynamic of the global economy such as the emergence of fast growing economies in, for example, India, China, South Africa and Brazil can be partly explained by the emergence of new market players such as the India transnational car manufacturer Tata, as well as the adaptation of established international businesses in the West to the new market opportunities in the South and the East. Equally, the recent (and in places ongoing) economic crises of the West owes as much to the failures of international business — notably the banking and investment industry — as it does to the failures of government policy. At the same time the international political dimension to the global economy explains the regulatory forces which also determine the architecture of the global economy. The far reaching policy liberalization of international trade through international (namely the World Trade Organisation) and regional treaties and rule- making, and the global deregulation of the investment and ?nancial services sector of the global economy driven by the neoliberal policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have created economic risks and opportunities for international business by opening up and creating new markets. The strategies of nation states and international business determine the architecture of the global economy and create both economic crises and dynamic growth at one and the same time in the contemporary global economy. So it is that for much of the ?rst decade or so of the new century the West has endured an age of austerity brought on by sustained economic decline and high indebtedness. The once market dominant economies of the United States and West European economies are now struggling to reverse negative economic growth. By contrast large previously peripheral under- developed economies in Africa and Asia are enjoying remarkable and sustained growth rates and their exports and investments now fuel an overall growth in the global economy.

"International Hierarchy" published on by Oxford University Press.

Der Aufsatz analysiert die Auswirkungen der internatonalen Monopole auf die internationalen Wirtschaftsbeziehungen, insbesondere zwischen kapitalistischen Industrienationen und Entwicklungsländern. Die marxistische Analyse zeigt, daß die Monopole insbesondere den Charakter der kapitalistischen Marktbeziehungen verändert haben. Sie operieren im Interesse des globalen Profits des Gesamtkonzerns (nicht einzelner Filialen) und in den Regierungsinteressen ihrer Stammländer. Durch die Verrechnungsmöglichkeiten zahlreicher Filialen können sie ihre wahren Profite verschleiern. Die internationale Kapitalbewegung wird ebenfalls durch sie verändert. Der Kapitalexport für Auslandsinvestitionen und die Entwicklungshilfe wird durch den Gewinntransfer von den Entwicklungsländern in die Industriemetropolen weit überboten, so daß die Entwicklungsländer per Saldo Kapitalexporteure sind. (MH)