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My subject today is "International Organizations and Customary International Law"--that is, the role of international organizations in relation to the formation and determination of rules of customary international law. Charney devoted a good part of his well-known article on "Universal International Law" to what he termed "contemporary international law-making." By that, he meant chiefly law-making within "international forums"--that is, within organs of international organizations and at international conferences. He starts the discussion from the somewhat heretical position that "[w]hile customary law is still created in the traditional way, that process has increasingly given way in recent years to a more structured method, especially in the case of important normative developments. Rather than state practice and "opinio juris," multilateral forums often play a central role in the creation and shaping of contemporary international law." Charney's conclusions, however, are perhaps not as radical as his premise. He acknowledged that "[s]ome may question the authority to legislate universally, even in the face of some dissent, because it appears to be inconsistent with the sovereignty and autonomy of states. Such apprehension is not unreasonable. The international legal system, however, will invoke this authority sparingly."

Der Verfasser legt Ergebnisse einer quantitativen Inhaltsanalyse von 158 Artikeln der "Kronen Zeitung" vor (27.4. -3.5. 2009), die Verweise auf internationale Beziehungen enthielten. Er zeigt, dass "Internationales" stets aus einem nationalen Blickwinkel dargestellt wird. Dabei tritt das Internationale sehr vielfältig in Erscheinung, nicht nur in den Bereichen Politik und Sport, sondern auch in Wirtschaft, Kriminalität und Gesundheit. Weil eine europäische oder weltweite Öffentlichkeit fehlt, kann Internationales nur in Bezug zu einer existierenden nationalen Öffentlichkeit dargestellt werden. Damit wird eine eigentümliche Form von internationalen Beziehungen kreiert. (ICE2)

A discussion of the impact of international migration on international relations considers how state actions shape population movements; what causes population movements to result in cooperation or conflicts; & how governments respond to population flows. It is suggested that the response of a state to international migration often affects that state's relations with other countries; a state's exit/entry rules affect international migration; & international migrants often become a political force in their country of destination. The concept of sovereignty as it relates to neoclassical economic ideas is explored to help shed light on how states influence international migration. The most common types of entry/exit rules are described to illustrate how they influence the magnitude, composition, & directionality of international migration, as well as relations between states. Consideration is also given to the political impact of international migrants on migration policies & how notions of sovereignty are being transformed under the new global realities. J. Lindroth

A discussion of the impact of international migration on international relations considers how state actions shape population movements; what causes population movements to result in cooperation or conflicts; & how governments respond to population flows. It is suggested that the response of a state to international migration often affects that state's relations with other countries; a state's exit/entry rules affect international migration; & international migrants often become a political force in their country of destination. The concept of sovereignty as it relates to neoclassical economic ideas is explored to help shed light on how states influence international migration. The most common types of entry/exit rules are described to illustrate how they influence the magnitude, composition, & directionality of international migration, as well as relations between states. Consideration is also given to the political impact of international migrants on migration policies & how notions of sovereignty are being transformed under the new global realities. J. Lindroth

International audience ; The interactions between economics and security are complicated because economics and politics each have distinct logics, with different dynamics operating at independent speeds. The credit crisis is having a significant time-dependent impact on international security. States are forced to run budget deficits to maintain the balance of the financial system, while at the same time addressing oil and environmental issues. The alternative to global organisation by a dominant power is the creation of international public or non-governmental institutions. The moral imperative to maintain peace may be universally accepted, but a country's decision to participate is also based on national interest and the geostrategic dimension. The main strategic danger is that politicians, still preoccupied with national budgetary and financial crises, do not respond to potentially explosive international issues with the necessary speed and interest. ; Les interactions entre l'économie et la sécurité sont compliquées parce que l'économie et la politique ont chacune des logiques distinctes, avec des dynamiques différentes opérant à des vitesses indépendantes. La crise du crédit exerce des effets importants dé »calés dans le temps sur la sécurité internationale. Les Etats sont contraints d'engager un déficit budgétaire pour maintenir l'équilibre du système financier, tout en s'interrogeant sur les questions pétrolières et environnementales. L'alternative à l'organisation mondiale par une puissance dominante réside dans la création d'institutions internationales publiques ou non gouvernementales. L'impératif moral pour le maintien de la paix peut être universellement accepté mais la décision d'un pays de participer est aussi basée sur l'intérêt national et sur la dimension géostratégique. Le principal danger stratégique réside sans le fait que les hommes politiques, toujours préoccupés par les crises budgétaires et financières nationales, ne répondent pas aux questions internationales potentiellement explosives ...

Der Klimawandel birgt globale Risiken. Dies ist weithin anerkannt. Umstritten ist die Frage, wie diesen Gefahren zu begegnen ist. 14 Jahre nach Kyoto ist klar: Klimapolitik ist Interessenpolitik. Das zeigte zuletzt die UN-Klimakonferenz 2011 in Durban mit ihren unverbindlichen Ergebnissen. In diesem Sammelband analysieren Experten Ursachen für das Scheitern der vergangenen Klima-Konferenzen und Konsequenzen für die künftige Klimapolitik. Insbesondere geht es um die Politik der Akteure China und Indien, um die Rolle der NGOs und die Klimafrage in der Entwicklungspolitik. Zugleich wird die deutsche Klimapolitik diskutiert und die Politik Brandenburgs von der verantwortlichen Ministerin vorgestellt.

Parts 1 and 3 appeared first in 1915 as spplements to the July 10 and 17 issues of the New statesman, with collective title Suggestions for the prevention of war. ; "This volume is the outcome of a Committee of the Fabian Research Department . To Mr. L. S. Woolf was committed the task of preparing two reports (which appear as Parts I and II of this volume); and upon this investigation the Committee drafted what now stands as Part III." ; Includes bibliographical references and an index. ; Mode of access: Internet.