Suchergebnisse

International trade and migration are two important dimensions of globalization. Although governments have been very willing to open their borders to trade, they have not been so liberal in their immigration policies. It has been suggested, however, that a causal positive link might exist between immigration and trade. Negotiations would provide a justification for our failure to adopt more liberal immigration laws. Whereas in an ideal world we might adopt more efficient laws, we currently live in a highly nonideal world in which other governments discriminate against our nationals (in their goods markets, service markets, labor markets, or capital markets). Given this reality, we may use costly policies as bargaining chips, offering to reform our protectionist policies in exchange for liberalizing reforms by other governments that discriminate against our nationals. Reforms implemented through a multilateral agreement would allow each participant to increase its national economic welfare while improving global economic welfare.

Printed in Great Britain. ; The puzzling case.--The powers in men.--From man-beast to citizen.--Soil of delusion and brutality.--We must finish the work.--Notes (chiefly bibliographical, p. [223]-227) ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Suggested readings" at end of each chapter. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Die Lehrveranstaltung untersucht die Beschaffenheit und die Funktionsweise der internationalen Rohstoffproduktion und –verarbeitung sowie des Rohstoffhandels und weist auf entsprechenden strukturellen politischen, ökonomischen, sozialen und technologischen Konsequenzen hin. ; + ID der Publikation: hslu_77261 + Art des Beitrages: Referat/Vortrag + Veranstalter: Universität Basel + Sprache: Deutsch + Letzte Aktualisierung: 2020-04-07 14:50:27

Every page on the Web represents an international publication. A client machine in Germany can easily access a server in Michigan, but the copyright laws in the USA differ in a number of significant ways. This column looks at two specific examples, one where there is a difference in the length of protection, and another where German moral rights legislation gives privileges not found in the US law. Although the examples are German and American, similar differences exist between other legal systems. ; Peer Reviewed

The 1st and 2nd Additional Protocols introduced a new rule which prohibits attacks against works and installations containing dangerous forces, even if they represent military objectives, because those dangerous forces could have a negative impact on civilians. It is not very sure that these rules became a part of the customary law, but practice shows that states are aware of the considerable risks which would emerge. As a consequence, states recognize that, in any armed conflict, it is necessary to take special precautionsin order to avoid releasing these dangerous forces and not cause any threats among civilians. According to the two protocols, this requirement of taking precautions is applicable to any kind of armed conflict.Keywords: customary international law; international conflicts; noninternational conflicts; Additional Protocols to the Geneva Convention.

Filmed from the original held by: Harvard Law School Library. ; Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Göttingen. ; Bibliography: p. [vii]-viii. ; Mode of access: Internet.

In retrospect, significant parallels can be drawn between the International Year of Languages 2008, which was initiated by the United Nations General Assembly and was coordinated by UNESCO, and the European Year of Languages 2001, which was a joint initiative of the Council of Europe and the European Union. In both cases 'the Year' passed with little public notice, and ended with the insight that a shared interest in languages by no means goes hand in hand with common views on language policy. Moreover, the status in the education systems of mother tongues on the one hand and foreign languages or trans-regional linguae francae on the other was discussed intensely in both instances. Against the background of the current debate on the influence of international educational organisations on national educational systems and concepts, the present article asks whether UNESCO has a specific role to play in the area of language education, and what (eurocentrically determined) blindspots in language education concepts become visible when one looks beyond the borders of Europe.

This comment will analyze the relative success of the various approaches taken to implement Indian treaty rights in the international fishery. It will discuss the domestic litigation resulting from these approaches and will identify the key legal issues involved. Finally, it will suggest possible means of resolving the dilemma in which the United States currently finds itself. By providing an appreciation of both the scientific complexities of managing this valuable resource and the limitations on unilateral judicial efforts in the United States, it will become apparent that the solution to this sensitive problem rests not in unilateral, but in cooperative United States-Canadian efforts. Only through diplomatic negotiations can we be assured that these recently resurrected Indian treaty rights will be accommodated in harmony with the conservation and enhancement of the salmon resource. It is hoped that the two national governments will come to realize the role of cooperation and act to avoid imposing upon the resource and its beneficiaries the futility of future summers in court.

"April 1989." ; Shipping list no.: 89-268-P. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

States address many of today's global problems in international organizations (IOs). At the same time, regional international organizations (RIOs) play important roles in IOs, as a series of case studies suggests. RIO member states can speak on behalf of an RIO in IO negotiations. This paper explores under what conditions states voice RIO positions instead of national ones in IOs and thereby turn into agents of regionalization. Based on a novel dataset of more than 500 international negotiations and a quantitative analysis of theory-guided International Relations hypotheses, this paper shows that states are increasingly likely to negotiate on behalf of an RIO, when they regard grouping positions into regional blocs in IO negotiations as more effective, when they have a formal role as RIO chair, and when they possess financial and staff capacities needed in order to voice a regional position in international negotiations.

Die Rolle des Internationalen Währungsfonds (IWF) in der internationalen Finanzarchitektur ist seit seiner Gründung umstritten. Im Zuge der asiatischen Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise in der zweiten Hälfte der 1990er Jahre erreichte die Auseinandersetzung eine neue Dimension. Globale Proteststürme und Kritik von Seiten prominenter Experten haben die Legitimität des IWF empfindlich gestört - seine Politik sei krisenverschärfend und einseitig auf Interessen großer Gläubiger ausgerichtet. Mit dem IWF rückte auch der Washington Consensusals neoliberale Entwicklungs programmatik verstärkt ins Sichtfeld der Kritiker. Die in Folge unternommenen Versuche, den Aufgabenbereich des IWF zu reformulieren, blieben jedoch relativ erfolglos.

The study describes and analyzes the structures, the procedures and decision making processes of the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation (INFCE). INFCE was agreed by the Organizing Conference to be a technical and analytical study and not a negotiation. The results were to be transmitted to governments for their consideration in developing their nuclear energy policies and in international discussions concerning nuclear energy cooperation and related controls and safeguards.Thus INFCE provided a unique example for decision making by consensus in the nuclear world. It was carried through under mutual respect for each country's choices and decisions, without jeopardizing their respective fuel cycle policies or international co-operation agreements and contracts for the peaceful use of nuclear energy, provided that agreed safeguards are applied.