Knowledge and technology are key factors in the development and economic growth of all countries. At present, the creation of new technologies worldwide is the fact of a few rich countries only. Technological change is determined, largely, through the dissemination and the international transfer of technology. This study provides a comprehensive and detailed analysis on the subject of industrial cooperation and technology transfer to developing countries. Our study particularly focuses on Iran, a country geographically, politically and economically strategic. We have demonstrated the positive and negative consequences resulting from these cooperation on Iran's economic growth, considering the key past events, current status and strategies for future development. We apply the Solow model (1956) as the basis of our econometric model to examine the impact of industrial cooperation of Iran on the country's economic growth. In this regard, the Panel Data method is applied to a sample of 21 manufacturing industries in Iran, in a period of 23 years, from 1992 to 2013. The results of our model show that inputs of different industries; physical capital and human capital of Iran have significant positive effects on economic growth in the country, but the two main channels of industrial cooperation such as foreign investment and international trade have significant negative effects on economic growth of Iran. The effect of the interaction between foreign direct investment and trade is positive and significant for this country. ; À l'heure actuelle, la création de nouvelles technologies au niveau mondial est le fait de quelques pays riches seulement. Le changement technologique est donc déterminé, dans une large mesure, par la diffusion et les transferts internationaux de technologie. Le document présent offre une analyse complète et détaillé sur le sujet de la coopération industrielle et le transfert de technologie, vers les pays en développement, en particulier l'Iran, un pays géographiquement, politiquement et économiquement stratégique, et les conséquences positives et négatives résultants de ces coopérations sur sa croissance économiques, en considérant les événements principaux passées, la situation actuelle et les stratégies pour le développement en futur. Nous allons appliquer le modèle de Solow (1956), comme la base de notre modèle économétrique pour examiner l'impact de la coopération industriel de l'Iran sur sa croissance économique. À cet égard, la méthode des données du Panel est appliquée pour un échantillon de 21 industries manufacturières de l'Iran, dans une période de 23 ans, de 1992 à 2013. Les résultats de ce modèle montrent que des inputs des différentes industries ; capitales physiques et capital humaines de l'Iran ont les effets positive et significative sur la croissance économique de ce pays. Par contre, les deux principaux canaux de la coopération industrielle c'est-à-dire les investissements étrangers et le commerce international ont les effets négative et significative sur la croissance économique de l'Iran. L'effet de l'interaction entre l'IDE et le commerce est positif et significatif pour ce pays.
Nie ulega wątpliwości, że Unia Europejska, będąca efektem europejskiej integracji jest w historii stosunków międzynarodowych bezprecedensowym podmiotem. Jest symbolem nowej, jednoczącej się Europy, która po negatywnych doświadczeniach postanowiła stać się kontynentem bezpiecznym, a więc wyeliminować raz na zawsze wojnę z życia jej państw i narodów. Niestety, idei "wiecznego pokoju", o czym marzyło wielu polityków i filozofów do dnia dzisiejszego nie udało się do końca zmaterializować. Co więcej, niedawne wojny na Bałkanach i obecna wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska tę ideę wciąż uniemożliwiają wprowadzić do stosunków międzynarodowych w Europie. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest pokazanie Unii Europejskiej dziś, po dziesięciu latach od poszerzenia w 2004 roku jej składu o kolejne dziesięć państw, w tym aż osiem z byłego bloku wschodniego. Artykuł ten ukazuje atuty i słabości UE, która choć uległa dzięki temu poszerzeniu na Wschód daleko idącemu wzmocnieniu, to jednak dziś nie radzi sobie z wieloma problemami ekonomicznymi, politycznymi, społecznymi i międzynarodowymi. W artykule próbuję dać odpowiedź na wiele pytań dotyczących współczesnej UE, m.in. dlaczego tak się dzieje i jakie są tego przyczyny oraz jakie dla niej są perspektywy w XXI wieku. Tezą główną jest tutaj stwierdzenie, że UE wymaga kapitalnego remontu, tak, aby mogła dalej rozwijać się i być motorem integracji Europy. Jeśli zaś to nie nastąpi, to UE zacznie się rozpadać i w końcu rozpadnie się lub stanie się co najwyżej strefą wolnego handlu. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 en-largement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which - although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement - still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.
Esta investigación aborda la forma en que la cooperación internacional ha instrumentalizado el discurso del desarrollo, con una creencia falsa en que la ciencia, la eficiencia y el progreso pueden resolver los problemas del deterioro ambiental. Por el contrario, este discurso ha generado otras lógicas de manejo de los bienes comunes en los territorios que no necesariamente se corresponden con el mejoramiento de las condiciones de vida de los sujetos que los han producido históricamente. A su vez, este discurso ha penetrado y condicionado el marco institucional nacional con implicaciones en el manejo de las aguas en diversos ámbitos – gestión, privatización, mercantilización y financiarización. A partir de la ecología política, como campo de estudio que indaga las relaciones de poder en la problemática ambiental y con base en métodos documentales, esta investigación analiza los proyectos de cooperación implementados sobre la región amazónica en Colombia, los cuales responden a utopías integradoras como la Iniciativa de Integración Regional Sudamericana – IIRSA/Cosiplan. Como uno de los subproductos de esta iniciativa, se problematiza la posible implementación del proyecto de navegabilidad del río Putumayo, considerando sus efectos sobre los ciclos hidrosociales, donde el agua es el eje central del análisis. Este proyecto significaría no sólo la contaminación de las aguas, la profundización del modelo de exploración y explotación de hidrocarburos, el despojo de comunidades, sino la militarización del territorio. Es decir, la profundización de la neoliberalización de la naturaleza en esta zona para transformar los flujos del agua en flujos de ganancias para el capital y el mercado internacional, afectando las relaciones de las comunidades del Putumayo con el río y su habitar en este territorio. ; Abstract: This research addresses the way in which international cooperation has instrumentalized development discourse, with a false belief that science, efficiency and progress can solve the problems of environmental deterioration. On the contrary, this discourse has generated other logics of management of the common goods in the territories that do not necessarily correspond to the improvement of the living conditions of the communities that have produced them historically. In turn, this discourse has entered and influenced the national institutional framework with major implications in the way in which waters have been used in various areas –management, privatization, commodification and financialization. From the political ecological perspective, as a field of study that investigates power relations in environmental issues and based on documental methods, this research aims to analyze the cooperation projects implemented in the Amazon region in Colombia, which respond to integrating utopias such as the South American Regional Integration Initiative – IIRSA/Cosiplan. As one of the byproducts of this initiative, the possible implementation of the Putumayo River navigability project is problematized, considering its effects on hydrosocial cycles, where water is the central axis of the analysis. This project would mean not only the pollution of waters, the deepening of the model of exploration and exploitation of hydrocarbons, the dispossession of communities, but the militarization of the territory. That is, the deepening of the neoliberalization of nature in this zone to transform water flows into profit flows for capital and the international market, affecting the relations of communities in Putumayo with the river and its inhabiting this territory. ; Maestría
With the globalization along with increasing crisis in the global economy, it becomes obvious that the improvement in the competitiveness of the territory is a crucial factor in formation of the international competitive advantages of the region. The border territories have certain characteristics, which largely determine the features of assessment of its competitiveness. The proposed methodological approach includes a system of factors of competitiveness, based on which the integral indicator of the competitiveness of the border territory under estimation regarding the rival territory is calculated. The approbation of the proposed methodological approach is based on the assessment of the competitiveness of the Primorsky Territory of the Russian Federation regarding the Heilongjiang Province of China. ; peer-reviewed
The paper focuses on Britain's relationship with Malaya shortly before and after its independence from the British Empire. The paper looks at the negotiations concerning the financial settlement prior to independence. Britain sought to keep Malaya within the Sterling Area at all costs, even after de jure convertibility had been achieved, due to its high dollar earning capacity, which remained important due to persistent trade deficits with the US since the end of the Second World War. The paper argues that this settlement, while seemingly very generous for an independent Malaya, was still very much intended to maintain Britain's role within the global economy, to ensure Sterling's status as an international currency, and to support conditions for British economic growth.
This research has three main aims: firstly, to empirically analyse the determinants of different levels of integration by re-examining the evidence presented by Baier and Bergstrand (Journal of International Economics 64(1):29–63, 2004) in the JIE 64 (1); secondly, to analyse the importance of additional factors, in particular socio-political factors; and thirdly, to analyse the dynamics of the EU integration process. The results show that although economic and geographical factors are the most important explanatory factors for the probability of regional integration agreement formation or enhancement, socio-political variables also contribute to explain the formation of regional integration agreements. Democracies and countries with a higher level of economic freedom are more likely to form or enhance RIAs. ; peerReviewed
The purpose of this paper is to analyse whether the presence of Hot Air trading jeopardizes the environmental target of an international environmental agree-ment. We argue that Hot Air can be used as an implicit side-payment mecha-nism to actually bring about higher environmental protection compared to the situation without the trade option. We point to the existence of a fundamental trade-off between costs of compliance and the creation of dynamic incentives to develop cheaper reduction technologies. Implicit side-payments, in terms of Hot Air provision, may be needed in order to establish a compromise between these opposing demands. We identify the shortcomings and benefits of allowing fully flexible permit trading including the allocation rule of grandfathering.
In this paper we summarize, study and compare some of Michel Foucault's itineraries in Latin America and Spain. The introduction highlights the importance of an Ibero-American perspective on the international circulation of the French philosopher's ideas. The analysis that follows seeks to give an account of the place of Foucault's proposals in Argentina, Mexico, Brazil, and Spain, through the editorial rhythm of his reception. Then, we compare the circulations of his elaborations in certain socio-political and cultural Ibero-American conjunctures. In this regard, we focus on the politico-intellectual nature of the uses that, in Spain and Latin America, emerged far from the university campuses and crystallized between the confrontation with Marx and the association with Nietzsche. ; En este artículo se recuperan, estudian y comparan algunos itinerarios de Michel Foucault en América Latina y España. La introducción está dirigida a advertir la importancia de una mirada iberoamericana sobre la circulación internacional de las ideas del filósofo francés. El análisis que le sigue busca, primero, dar cuenta del lugar de las propuestas de Foucault en Argentina, México, Brasil y España, a través del ritmo editorial de su recepción. Se comparan, luego, las circulaciones de sus elaboraciones en ciertas coyunturas sociopolíticas y culturales iberoamericanas. Relacionado a ello, se atiende al carácter político-intelectual de los usos que, en España y América Latina, emergieron lejos de los campus universitarios y cristalizaron entre la confrontación con Marx y la asociación a Nietzsche.
Published in Lima, but with contributions from authors from different countries from Latin America and Europe, this book presents a large part of the works exposed during the IV Peruvian-Franco-German Academic Meeting that in August 2017 brought together the Faculties of Law of the Technische Universität Dresden (Germany), from the Université Paris-Nanterre (France) and the ESAN University around the topic «Security and freedom ». This book consists of thirteen articles in various languages, spread over five chapters representing the current challenges of our democracies contemporary: I. The legal implications of the state of emergency. II. Security and migration borders. III. Terrorism, a changing threat. IV. Security issues in international law. V. Fight against corruption. ; Publicado en Lima, pero con contribuciones de autores de diferentes países de Latinoamérica y de Europa, este libro presenta gran parte de los trabajos expuestos durante el IV Encuentro Académico Peruano-Franco-Alemán que en el mes de agosto del 2017 congregó a las Facultades de Derecho de la Technische Universität Dresden (Alemania), de la Université Paris-Nanterre (Francia) y de la Universidad ESAN alrededor del tema «Seguridad y libertad ». Este libro consta de trece artículos en diversos idiomas, repartidos en cinco capítulos que representan los desafíos actuales de nuestras democracias contemporáneas: I. Las implicancias jurídicas del estado de emergencia. II. Fronteras seguridad y migraciones. III. El terrorismo, una amenaza cambiante. IV. Problemáticas de seguridad en derecho internacional. V. Lucha contra la corrupción.
M.A.EUR.LEGAL STUDIES ; The aim of this dissertation is to explore the continuum in the development of external competence in the EU vis-à-vis human rights obligations. The connection between the two is not altogether immediate but this work considers the conditions within which implied external competence were developed in light of the present legal and political frameworks. The work also observes, from a thorough examination of the case-law, the activist role played by the CJEU during and after AERT, and the emerging implications for the future of external relations in the EU. The three chapters of the dissertation represent a segment in the development of the EU legal order and explore the overarching question of how human rights and their protection has become an integral part of the European Union and how it can be reconciled with external relations law. This study reflects on the conditions that can enable an increased adherence to the inclusion of human rights in international agreements and considers the limits of those provisions that legitimise the protection of human rights in the EU. All the while, aware that the balance of power between the EU and the Members States must be maintained. In this sense, the examination of the development of implied external competence aligns itself with the reinforcement of a strong external relations law based on consistency and coherence in action and in law, one that is complementary with legal developments and respectful of national autonomy. ; N/A
Pre-election debates are one of the most important steps in the electoral process – indeed, they serve an important public interest as they inform the American public about the issues of the day and offer a forum by which candidate proposed solutions may be heard. However, pre-election debates are led by moderators who generally do not have expertise in many of their key topic areas, such as law or judicial studies; and because of this, the propositions and arguments made by candidates in the pre-election time may be de-contextualized during debates such that the voting public may be misled in terms of the practicality of candidate positions. It is not unusual for individuals to unwittingly make propositions which insufficiently account for the confines of governmental structures, norms, and institutions in important ways. Likewise, it is not expectable for candidate to have absolute expertise in all areas of the debate, such as from health care to international law. This presents a real and pressing problem or issue for the quality of debates and democracy. It would be useful for pre-election debates to have additional facilitators present to provide basic factual and scientific information, as well to define key terms and principles relevant to American government and political life. Thus, given the current format of pre-election debates, this policy brief offers proposals to increase voter awareness and thus strengthen American democracy through amendments to the pre-election debate format for general elections.
The international community has spent considerable time, money, and effort attempting to establish a series of national and regional Centres of Excellence (COEs), also known as Nuclear Security Training and Support Centres (NSSCs). These Centres tend to have a wide variety of objectives, structures, and methods of delivery. Unsurprisingly, no internationally accepted standard exists on how they should operate. The IAEA has produced some excellent guidance (TECDOC 1734), but by virtue of its role cannot provide standards for benchmarking success. Against this backdrop, the World Institute for Nuclear Security (WINS) launched the WINS Academy, an initiative to provide practitioners with opportunities to earn certification in Nuclear Security Management. Underpinning the programme is certification against the ISO 9001 and ISO 29990 quality management standards, which provide an internationally recognised external benchmark of quality; demonstrate credibility, competence and professionalism; and give potential employers and others in the industry an objective measurement of participants' knowledge. WINS recommends that NSSCs follow a similar model, in which their participants receive an evaluation leading to qualification or certification, and utilizing professional standards developed by a recognised, respected certifying body rather than developing their own ad hoc arrangements, which are ultimately unsustainable. With the end of the Nuclear Security Summit (NSS) process, sustainability is the key consideration for many nuclear security training centres; WINS has sought political and industry commitments to sustain security training programmes, and these efforts were recognised in a Joint Statement on Certified Training for Nuclear Security Management at the 2016 NSS.
Contemporary trends in criminal procedure legislation are deliberately looking for efficiency as well as the instruments of implementation of international standards both in its quantitative and qualitative aspects. Doctrinal considerations find their footing in the decades-long reform of criminal procedural legislation of the Serbia, whereas the question that has always represented one of the most significant characteristics of criminal procedural legislation in general is the correlation between the public prosecutor and the police and its contribution to the efficiency of criminal proceedings. Serbia adopted new Criminal Procedure Code in 2011, which entered into the force during the 2013. According to the abovementioned, the authors pay special attention to the following issues: first, the notion of the police and the police functions; secondly, the correlation of the public prosecutor and the police as a factor in the efficiency of criminal proceedings; thirdly, empirical research and proposals de lege ferenda. ; Savremeni trendovi u krivičnoprocesnom zakonodavstvu tendenciozno tragaju za instrumentima realizacije efikasnosti kao međunarodni standard i to u svom kvantitativnom i kvalitativnom aspektu. Doktrinarna razmatranja svoje uporište pronalaze u višedecenijskoj reformi krivičnoprocesnog zakonodavstva Srbije, a pitanje koje je oduvek predstavljalo jedno od značajnijih obeležja krivičnoprocesnog zakonodavstva uopšte je i korelacija javnog tužioca i policije i njen doprinos efikasnosti krivičnog postupka. U skladu sa navedenim, autori posebnu pažnju posvećuju sledećim pitanjima: prvo, pojam policije i policijske funkcije; drugo, korelacija javnog tužioca i policije kao faktor efikasnosti krivičnog postupka; treće, empirijsko istraživanje i predlozi de lege ferenda.
Kerala had a long tradition of several centuries of international emigration. Nonetheless, since the 70's, the flows have tremendously increased, and West Asia had appeared to be the main destination. Among the Gulf countries, the UAE have become the first host country for the Keralite migrants. Until the end of the 90's, the migration was based on the principle of a temporary expatriation for an expected wealthy return. In other words, migrants used expatriation, with renewable employment contracts for a betterment of their financial situation as well as a skill experience in order to start a new professional life back in Kerala. Nevertheless, such a principle is now questioned by some socio-professional categories which consider emigration as an opportunity to become self-employed and entrepreneurs. The analysis of the entrepreneurial initiatives shows that different characteristics exist. Various strategies and routes appear in relation with the migratory context and the opportunities offered. In other respects, the emergence and the development of these new migrants' strategies have been facilitated by economic and political changes in the UAE. In fact, Dubai is asserting itself as a global city where a post-oil economy is arising. Moreover, the development of industrial and business activities in the Emirate prompts the closest ones, namely Sharjah and Ajman, to offer some attractive advantages for business investments. Combined with such an economic evolution, the immigration policy evolves towards a more favourable situation for entrepreneurial initiatives within the migrants' communities. Finally, the impact of the relations between India and the Gulf region is also at stake.
