Suchergebnisse

Der Internationale Währungsfonds steckt derzeit in einer Orientierungskrise. Seine Mission erscheint ausgefasert und nicht eindeutig umrissen. Die Instrumente sind stark auf die Ex-post-Liquiditätshilfen konzentriert, ohne die Anreizwirkungen für das Aufkommen neuer Währungskrisen zu berücksichtigen. Die Quoten der Mitgliedsländer entsprechen nicht mehr den Gewichten in der aktuellen internationalen Arbeitsteilung, und die Entscheidungsprozesse geraten unter Kritik. Bei den Instrumenten sollte der IWF die Krisenprävention betonen. Dazu gehört ein effizientes Frühwarnsystem, in dem den internationalen Märkten und den Regierungen der Mitgliedsländer die Konsequenzen ihres Handelns und ihrer institutionellen Regelungen für die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und für mögliche Währungskrisen aufgezeigt werden. Ferner sollte der IWF weniger Ex-post-Instrumente einsetzen und sich stärker auf Ex-ante-Instrumente konzentrieren. So sollte er verstärkt die Bedingungen für die Kreditvergabe ex ante festlegen, um aus der Rolle eines Zuchtmeisters, der im Nachhinein Auflagen macht, herauszukommen und um Fehlanreize durch ?moral hazard? zu vermeiden. Von der Ermittlung gleichgewichtiger Wechselkurse und der makroökonomischen Koordinierung der Wirtschaftspolitik im Sinne prozesspolitischer Maßnahmen ist abzuraten. Der IWF sollte bei den Quoten die strukturellen Veränderungen in der Weltwirtschaft aufgreifen, damit er als Institution nicht die Unterstützung der aufstrebenden Volkswirtschaften der Weltwirtschaft verliert. Dabei sollte er die intransparente Formel der Quotenbestimmung durch eine neue Bretton-Woods-Formel ersetzen, die diese weltwirtschaftlichen Veränderungen widerspiegelt. Vor allem sollte sich der IWF auf seine Mission zurückbesinnen, Währungskrisen zu bekämpfen. Denn Währungskrisen werden auch in Zukunft eine immense Störung der Weltwirtschaft sein. Erfahrungsgemäß verlieren die nationalen Währungen bei den abrupten Abwertungen 50 Prozent und mehr ihres Außenwertes. Solche Krisen gehen mit verheerenden realen Verwerfungen einher, bei der in kurzer Zeit eine Volkswirtschaft 20 Prozent ihres Bruttoinlandsprodukts einbüßt. Entsprechend hoch liegen die Realverluste bei den Löhnen. Systemische Krisen sind noch schlimmer. Währungskrisen zu vermeiden und zu bekämpfen ist deshalb eine für die Weltwirtschaft zentrale Aufgabe. Die Welt braucht also den IWF. Andere Aufgaben, die eher entwicklungspolitisch motiviert sind, sollten der Weltbank überlassen bleiben. Der IWF verliert sonst seinen Fokus.

Publié sous le titre "L'invention des relations internationales" ; National audience ; Issue de la science politique, la récente discipline Relations internationale s'est constituée dès la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale dans un but noble : favoriser la paix, avant de privilégier des objectifs de connaissance. Elle intégre progressivement des théories et des éléments d'analyse issus d'autres sciences sociales, qui pevent introduire un danger de dissolution. Mais ce dynamisme est le signe d'une grande vitalité de la part d'une discipline cruciale afin de comprendre le monde.

The thrust of this Paper is to analyse the transformation of international custom construction and creation from the model of state practice supported by opinio iuris to a new concept reflected in the judicial decision of the international criminal tribunals, with the main emphasis being on the case law of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The following questions are examined in analysing the interpretation, application, and in some instances, also the creation of customary international norms: from which sources do the judges look for evidence of customary international law? Is the requisite of actual state practice diminishing? What is the significance of international treaties, reports of international committees, and international case-law as sources of custom? Does the case law of the tribunals show that the role of the judge is more prevalent than traditionally in the formation of customary international law, at least in the area of international criminal law? The first part of the paper offers an analysis of customary law in the International Military Tribunal of Nuremberg, which, along with many post-Second World War legal instruments, case law, and academic commentary, has contributed to and clarified the content of customary norms in international criminal law. The second part reviews the decisions of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in relation to the concept, formation, and context of customary norms. In addition, the aim is to examine if the approach of the Tribunal on the construction of customary norms has changed during its period of functioning. The role of the judge in construction and in some instances, creation of customary international norms is discussed with references to the judicial decisions of the Yugoslavia Tribunal. I conclude that the dynamic approach adopted by judges in the construction of customary law in some cases of the Yugoslavia Tribunal is not unprecedented in the decisions of international courts. The third part discusses the problem of conflicting norms that may arise in the application and construction of customary criminal norms in international criminal tribunals. First, I conduct a limited conceptual and historical analysis of the principles of legality, the nullum crimen sine lege and the nulla poena sine lege principles, and I attempt to answer the substantive issues: how can the principles of legality be retained in the application of customary international norms by the international judge, and whether the progressive formation of custom (moving away from the requirement of 'constant and uniform state practice' supported by opinio iuris) destabilises legal certainty, which should be especially endorsed when an individual's (here meaning the accused) freedom is at issue? The final dilemma in relation to conflicting norms is that of deducing international criminal norms that give rise to individual criminal responsibility directly from treaties that were intended to be applied between the state parties. I conclude this paper by stating that the judges not only interpret, but also have an impact on the formation of customary international law because their decisions can be seen as evidence of (international) practice or as a reflection of opinio juris. Finally, this paper shows that there is a definite need for greater consistency in the formation of customary international norms in international criminal tribunals.

Potential synergies between international trade and tourism are viewed optimistically by governments, yet research to assess their association is limited. To gain an understanding of trade and tourism relationships, this paper reports on a study which examines both product-related and tourism-related place image effects on consumer behavior simultaneously. Using the U.S. as the country of focus, key product and travel relationships are measured by structural equation modeling of consumer data from South Korea. Findings support the cross-over effect between one's beliefs about a country as a destination and as a producer, and one's willingness to travel to it and/or buy its products, and most strongly, that product beliefs affect views of travel destinations.

Non-profit organizations are increasingly subjected to the forces of globalization. Although this should not come as a surprise, it is curious to note that the taxation of international philanthropy is an area where discrimination as to residence is still very obvious. Whereas domestic philanthropic flows of money enjoy substantial tax privileges throughout the democratic western world, these privileges often do not apply in situations where borders are crossed. In recent years the importance of support from charities and social investments has increased substantially, but cross-border philanthropy still remains hampered by numerous tax issues. By comparing the relevant legal and tax systems in selected countries, and by taking into account other legal developments relevant to international philanthropy, the author attempts to find a common approach to solve the tax obstacles of international philanthropy. The book begins by defining the scope of the study including the concept of 'landlock', political philosophies substantiating tax relief for philanthropic organizations and an analysis of bilateral treaties. This is followed by a comprehensive and comparative overview of the approach taken in three legal and tax systems regarding international philanthropy, i.e. Germany, the Netherlands and the United States. The work also examines whether EU law allows states (within and without the EU) to maintain 'landlocked' tax positions and, if so, under what type of conditions this may be permitted. Finally, the book concludes with a proposal of a new paradigm of non-discriminating treatment of philanthropy by examining ways to abolish landlocks.

International energy law embodies a matter of keen interest that affects the daily lives of citizens in developing and developed countries worldwide. Among numerous other effects, international energy law influences gas prices, wages, employment rates and domestic market regulations. The weight of these direct consequences of international energy law and policy led to the creation of this year's symposium topic. The goal of this year's symposium is to identify issues arising from various international energy laws as well as to understand the effects that recent international events, including the fall of Enron, the creation of NAFTA and the political unrest in the Middle East, have had on the formulation and implementation of international energy law. The papers in this issue examine the corporate, political, social, legal and other factors impacted by energy law and policy across the globe. Each article in the symposium issue addresses cross-cutting issues relating to the field of international energy law, in the hopes that every country may draw lessons from successful laws or policies as well as mistakes made.

Russland versucht seit Beginn des Jahres 2006 die Spielregeln auf dem internationalen Energiemarkt zu seinen Gunsten zu verändern und seine reichhaltigen Erdgas- und Erdölreserven für eine Rückkehr als Großmacht auf internationaler Ebene zu instrumentalisieren. Der Westen hat wenig Zeit, sich auf die neue Ära der Energieaußenpolitik einzustellen, denn seine Abhängigkeiten von Rohstoffimporten werden ansteigen. Russland glaubt, künftig zwischen den europäischen und asiatischen Märkten wählen und mit anderen Exportstaaten der Region ein Gas-Kartell aufrichten zu können. Beobachter bezweifeln, ob Russland selbst über genügend Energiereserven verfügen würde, zwei Kontinente gleichzeitig mit Öl und Gas zu versorgen und die eigene wachsende Inlandsnachfrage zu befriedigen. Die EU muss einerseits die strategische Energiepartnerschaft mit Russland weiter verfolgen, andererseits die vorhandenen Importstrukturen zu diversifizieren versuchen. ; Since early 2006, Russia has been attempting to change the rules on the international energy market to suit its own interests, with the ultimate goal of utilising its rich oil and gas reserves as an instrument to re-establish itself as a major player at the international level. The West has only little time to prepare for this new era of Russian foreign energy policy, as its dependence on imports of raw materials is increasing. Russia believes to be able to choose between serving the European and/ or the Asian market, and aims at building up a gas cartel, together with other gas exporting countries in the region. However, there is some doubt among observers about the extent to which the reserves will suffice for serving two continents at the same time with oil and gas, given an increasing national demand to be met as well. The EU is asked to continue its strategic energy partnership with Russia, but also to diversify the existing import structures.

358 p. ; This thesis aims to understand the impact of the internal factors (internal production structures and conflicts between interest groups) for the international economic integration of Russia. The research combines the analysis in terms of international economics with that of international political economy (IPE). The former allows a detailed analysis of Russia's international specialisation in exchanges of goods and capital, while the latter provides the analytical framework for analysing the pattern of changes. Firstly, we show a growing dependency on the export of natural resources, independent of the geographical (political) circle of countries analyzed. Secondly, we argue that the analytical framework of the IPE should be adapted to the Russian context. So, the period of the 1990s is characterized by a large scope of personal arrangements and individualized relations within a captured and fragmented State. After the beginning of the 2000s, this situation is reversed given the centralization of the central State and a quest for more institutionalized relations between the State and firms. This thesis contains three parts. The first part presents an economic analysis of the integration of Russia into the world economy. The second part studies the evolution of Russia's internal institutional context. The third part compares the internal preferences towards economic integration with those of Russia's main trade partners, which are i) the Commonwealth of Independent States, ii) the European Union and iii) China and the United States. ; L'objet de la thèse est de comprendre l'impact des facteurs internes (structures de production internes, conflits de groupes d'intérêt domestiques) sur l'insertion économique internationale de la Russie. La recherche combine l'approche de l'économie internationale et celle de l'économie politique internationale (EPI). La première permet de construire une présentation pointue de la spécialisation internationale de la Russie dans les échanges de biens et de capitaux et de ses ...

358 p. ; This thesis aims to understand the impact of the internal factors (internal production structures and conflicts between interest groups) for the international economic integration of Russia. The research combines the analysis in terms of international economics with that of international political economy (IPE). The former allows a detailed analysis of Russia's international specialisation in exchanges of goods and capital, while the latter provides the analytical framework for analysing the pattern of changes. Firstly, we show a growing dependency on the export of natural resources, independent of the geographical (political) circle of countries analyzed. Secondly, we argue that the analytical framework of the IPE should be adapted to the Russian context. So, the period of the 1990s is characterized by a large scope of personal arrangements and individualized relations within a captured and fragmented State. After the beginning of the 2000s, this situation is reversed given the centralization of the central State and a quest for more institutionalized relations between the State and firms. This thesis contains three parts. The first part presents an economic analysis of the integration of Russia into the world economy. The second part studies the evolution of Russia's internal institutional context. The third part compares the internal preferences towards economic integration with those of Russia's main trade partners, which are i) the Commonwealth of Independent States, ii) the European Union and iii) China and the United States. ; L'objet de la thèse est de comprendre l'impact des facteurs internes (structures de production internes, conflits de groupes d'intérêt domestiques) sur l'insertion économique internationale de la Russie. La recherche combine l'approche de l'économie internationale et celle de l'économie politique internationale (EPI). La première permet de construire une présentation pointue de la spécialisation internationale de la Russie dans les échanges de biens et de capitaux et de ses évolutions alors que la deuxième en fournit une maquette d'analyse. Premièrement, l'on constate une dépendance croissante à l'égard des exportations de ressources naturelles, et ce, indépendamment du cercle géographique (ou politique) de partenaires étudié. Deuxièmement, l'on démontre la nécessité d'adapter la maquette de l'EPI au contexte russe. Ainsi, les années 1990 se caractérisent par l'ampleur des arrangements personnels et des relations individualisées dans un Etat capturé et fragmenté. A partir du début des années 2000, cette situation est remise en question avec une recentralisation de l'Etat et une recherche de relations institutionnalisées entre le décideur public et les entreprises. La thèse comporte trois parties. La première partie présente une analyse de la dimension économique de l'ouverture internationale de la Russie. La deuxième partie étudie l'évolution de son contexte institutionnel interne, notamment sa politique d'ouverture. La troisième partie met en relation les préférences internes à l'égard de l'ouverture avec les préférences des principaux partenaires économiques de la Russie, à savoir i) la Communauté des Etats Indépendants, ii) l'Union Européenne et iii) la Chine et les Etats-Unis.

Res-Publica : Revista Lusófona de Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais ; Em consequência da globalização e dos actuais conflitos mundiais, milhares de pessoas deixaram a sua pátria para viver durante alguns anos noutros países, frequentemente junto dos seus familiares. Alguns partem pela sua própria vontade, porque trabalham para o seu Governo, para as suas empresas ou para uma organização internacional, porque querem estudar no estrangeiro ou simplesmente porque procuram um emprego e uma vida melhor. Outros, normalmente num contexto violento, são forçados a partir e apenas procuram paz e apoio. Este artigo apresenta um panorama das contribuições da Psicologia para as relações internacionais (RI). Propõe cinco tipos de actores de RI: diplomatas(incluindo pessoal consular e administrativo), voluntários internacionais (ONG e participantes em missões de paz), expatriados (incluindo estudantes), migrantes (documentados e não documentados) e refugiados. Define as suas tarefas (e/ou necessidades) e os problemas inerentes, também para a família. Depois, trata as seguintes áreas de pesquisa que podem ajudar os actores a realizar as suas tarefas e resolver os seus problemas: análise de acontecimentos políticos, análise de conflitos; resolução e prevenção; negociação e mediação; tomada de decisão, análise da linguagem, análise de factores culturais,operações de peacekeeping & desenvolvimento da paz pós-conflito, saúde mental, e know- -how e gestão organizacional. É feita uma breve consideração sobre cada área, enfatizando assuntos práticos. ; As a consequence of globalization and current world conflicts, thousands of people leave their homeland, to live some years in other countries, often together with their families. Some leave on their own decision, because they work for their Government, for their enterprise or for an international organization, because they want to study abroad or simply because they are looking for a job and a better life. Other persons are forced to leave, usually in a violent context, and they just look for peace and relief. This paper presents a panorama of the contributions of Psychology to the international relations (IR). It proposes five types of actors of IR: diplomats (including consular and administration personnel), international volunteers (NGOs and participants in peace missions), expatriates (including students), migrants (documented and undocumented) and refugees. It defines their tasks (and/or the needs) and the inherent problems, also for the family. Then, it reviews the following research fields, that can help the actors to accomplish their tasks and to resolve their problems: analysis of political events; conflict analysis, resolution & prevention; negotiation & mediation; decision making, analysis of language, analysis of cultural factors, peacekeeping & post conflict peace building, mental health, and organizational & management know-how. A brief account of each field is made, emphasizing practical issues".

Measuring International Skilled Migration: A New Database Controlling for Age of Entry Michel Beine, Frederic Docquier, and Hillel Rapoport Recent data on international migration of skilled workers define skilled migrants by education level without distinguishing whether they acquired their education in the home or the host country. Using these data and a simple gravity model to estimate the age-of-entry structure of the remaining 23 percent, alternative brain drain measures are proposed that exclude immigrants who arrived before ages 12, 18, and 22. the Belgian National Fund for Economic Research, professor of economics at the Universite Catholique de Louvain (Belgium), and a research fellow at the Institute for the Study of Labor (Bonn) and the Center for Research and Analysis of Migration at University College London; his email address is docquier ires.ucl.ac.be. Hillel Rapoport (corresponding author) is senior lecturer in economics at Bar-Ilan University, a member of EQUIPPE, Universites de Lille (EA CNRS 4018), and a research fellow at the Center for Research and Analysis of Migration at University College London; his email address is hillel mail.biu.ac.il. This article is part of the World Bank Migration and Development Program, which provided financial support. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions oxfordjournals.org 249 250 THE WORLD BANK ECONOMIC REVIEW source country, which should consider as skilled emigrants only people who received post-secondary training in their home country. After zeros and a few suspicious observations were eliminated, 1,580 observations remained for each age threshold (1990 and 2000 included). Survey data are not available for many countries, and when they are (for example, in the EU Labor Force Survey and in the European Community Household Panel), they do not provide representative cross-sectional pictures of immigrants' characteristics. Included as origin country characteristics in Zk are i democracy indicators and measures of public expenditures on primary, secondary, and tertiary education. And included as host country characteristics in Wk f are indicators of social expenditures, education expenditures,3 and degree of openness to immigration. Bringing together the census data on age of entry, which represent 77 percent of skilled immigrants to the OECD, and the estimated structure computed using the results of the parsimonious model for the remaining 23 percent5 provides alternative measures of the brain drain from which skilled immigrants who arrived before a given age are excluded.

Politik und Wissenschaft erhoffen sich von internationalen Vergleichen Erkenntnisgewinne zur Lösung von Problemen auf verschiedenen Politikfeldern. Welche Erfahrungen wurden dabei in Hinblick auf die Beschäftigungspolitik gemacht? Was können Vergleiche leisten? Inwieweit können sie zu Fehlschlüssen führen?

Die Zahl der regionalen Handelsabkommen ist in den letzten Jahren stark gestiegen. Gleichzeitig steht die Handelsliberalisierung verstärkt in der Kritik der Öffentlichkeit, die sich gegen Umweltschäden und soziale Ungerechtigkeit als Ergebnis der Abkommen wendet. Das Instrument der Folgenabschätzungen soll dazu beitragen, die Auswirkungen von Handelsabkommen zu ermitteln. Das Paper gibt auf der Basis der EU-Nachhaltigkeitsprüfung und der NAFTA-Umweltprüfung einen Einblick in den Analyserahmen, in die Partizipationsmöglichkeiten sowie in den politischen Rückhalt des Instruments. An den Beispielen werden die Einflussmöglichkeiten von Folgenabschätzungen auf die Gestaltung des Welthandels diskutiert. ; In the past 15 years, the use of impact assessment as an analytical tool has gradually influenced national and international discussions on trade agreements. Two main approaches predominate: sustainability impact assessments (SIA), which analyze economic, social and environmental consequences of the trade agreement, and environmental assessments, which identify the environmental effects of the trade accord. The paper analyses the EU SIA approach and the environmental approach practiced by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The study shows that neither the SIA nor the EA currently have the power to bring a trade accord with failing assessment grades into political peril.

2012 Summer. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; In recent years there have been broad and important debates about whether international environmental justice is attainable within the liberal model. This issue warrants examination, particularly in a context which reflects the strongest possible potential for liberal claims. An especially potent commendation of the liberal model is found in North-to-South foreign direct investment, where liberal advocates identify investment as a key strategy to improve the life chances of the poor. However, foreign direct investment today reflects in many cases dimensions of injustice as between investor and affected populations. Such injustices arise in particular where an investment project taps into local resources such as land, air, water, precious metals, and so on without sufficient participation by affected persons in the benefits of such resource access. These sorts of inequities are especially troubling where the investor originates in one of the wealthier countries of the global North and the recipient country and affected population resides in the global South. This study attempts to then answer the question: may such injustices be remediated within the scope of a liberal model of economic activity and development? That is, can liberal prescriptions for justice be satisfied by liberal economic precepts and patterns? The study first posits a social liberal amendment to dominant contemporary neoliberal understandings. The analysis then turns to the World Bank Group's International Finance Corporation as a potential best-case example of efforts to render North-South foreign direct investment more environmentally sound. In particular, the study asks whether the policies and programs of the International Finance Corporation may be fairly seen to accommodate liberal justice precepts. Culling the existing literature, and employing evidence gleaned from documentary analysis and in-person interviews, the study asks whether the International Finance Corporation is durably engaged in advancing international environmental justice in financed projects. Through a deconstruction of International Finance Corporation documents and case studies of a purposive sample of recently-financed projects the study asks whether there is more going on at the International Finance Corporation than mere environmental window-dressing. The analysis shows that a social liberal international environmental justice is being advanced, but not evenly. The study concludes that a stronger implementation of international environmental justice is possible within the social liberal model, but that improvements are needed.

This paper develops a proposal for an international multilevel competition policy system, which draws on the insights of the analysis of multilevel systems of institutions. In doing so, it targets to contribute to bridge a gap in the current world economic order, i.e. the supranational governance of private international restrictions to market competition. Such a governance can effectively be designed against the background of a combination of the well-known nondiscrimination principle and a lead jurisdiction model. Put very briefly, competition policy on the global level restricts itself to the selection and appointment of appropriate lead jurisdictions for concrete cross-border antitrust cases, while the substantive treatment remains within the competence of the existing national and regional-supranational antitrust regimes.