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Inefficiency and inability to properly protect the full range of rights of its citizens. The most vulnerable category of citizens deserve special attention, namely people with disabilities, where the most significant problem is the employment of people with disabilities, which is due to the fact that they are unable to compete on an equal footing in the labor market due to reduced working capacity. Seeing the European standards of labor organization can be defined as a kind of normative substance of EU labor law. The content of these standards is a concentrated reflection of the experience of many European countries, the result of meticulous selection of the most valuable and universally significant norms and provisions of national legal systems, transformed into legal norms contained in ratified international legal instruments. ; Неефективність та неспроможність належним чином захистити весь спектр прав своїх громадян. Особливої уваги заслуговують найбільш вразлива категорія громадян, а саме особи з інвалідністю де найбільш значущою проблемою виступає зайнятість осіб з інвалідністю, яка обумовлена тим, що вони не в змозі нарівні з усіма конкурувати на ринку праці через зниження рівня працездатності. Вбачаючи європейські стандарти організації праці можна визначити, як своєрідну нормативну субстанцію трудового права ЄС. Змістом цих стандартів є концентроване відображення досвіду багатьох європейських країн, результат прискіпливого добору найбільш цінних та універсально значущих норм і положень національних правових систем, трансформованих у правові норми, які містяться у ратифікованих міжнародно-правових документах.

"By applying role theory to grasp intra-role conflicts and shifting ego/alter interactions between states, US-German Relations can be adequately understood. Conflicts between the partners may arise when the ego-part of a role shifts due to national role contestations. The adapted role may lead to new expectations towards the partner, thereby triggering an intra-role conflict if ego- and alter-norms collide. While US-German relations remained largely stable during the Cold War, as ego/alter interactions were complementary, intra-role conflicts emerged from 1991 onwards. The argument is unfolded regarding Germany's out-of-area debate (1993-1999), US unilateral turn after 9/11 (2002-2008), and the new burden-sharing struggle (since 2008)." (author's abstract)

Arbitration has evolved from a pragmatic, de casu ad casum applied mechanism, towards a growing self-recognition as a method of transnational system of administration of justice. The development of international arbitration towards an autonomous legal order is one of the most remarkable institution buildings at the global level. The autonomous view sees arbitration as deriving its original legitimacy not from a consent within a specific legal order or orders, but rather from a general, initial authorization offered by the community of the States, and later fulfilled by the arbitral tribunals without further States' intervention, and thus detached from a national order. This conceptualization has been connected with general theories pointing to the development of "global legal order(s)", free from traditional intervention and control exercised by the States. For instance, Gunther Teubner's characterization of the new lex mercatoria as a model global law without a State was based on its formulation and application independently from domestic legal systems thanks to arbitral decision-making. In this context, how will an authoritarian state like China react to the trends of trans-nationalization and autonomization of arbitration? What role will China play in the development of international dispute resolution mechanism? Is China showing signs of adapting to the current trend of transnational standards? On the other hand, will the Chinese legal culture and practice characterized by informalism and flexibility offer a counter-force to the increasing proceduralization, formalization, judicialization of arbitration, or the colonization of arbitration by litigation, and thus influence the future direction of transnational norms?This article will highlight the recent developments of China's commercial dispute resolution mechanism, and illustrate China's two-way adaptations towards transnational standards, as a result of the constant interplay between the global formal regulation and local informal practice, predictable regulation and flexible practice, and the clashes between the increasingly cosmopolitan professional culture in the arbitration community and deeply rooted demands of national culture. On the one hand, China is following the trend of harmonization, making adaptations to global norms. This move is essentially driven by the market force, when "economic actors seek more predictability through reliance on formalized processes for managing transactions, and also to seek more formal limits on state power". Arbitration is developed through the practice within the community, rather than imposed top-down from outside the community. While States have to endorse and embrace the norms, the norms then developed independently, based on the expectations of the users, rather than requiring arbitration to adapt to the specific requirements of the State. Despite the limitations on party-autonomy in the legislation, other non-state actors (i.e., arbitration institutions and individuals such as judges, arbitrators, case managers and lawyers) also exert an essential influence on the arbitration reforms in China. In order to make China a more appealing hub of dispute resolution to meet the needs of users, various stakeholders have made various innovations and adaptations to bring the practice of arbitration more in line with transnational standards, as a result of the marketization of arbitration in China.On the other hand, China is also taking an increasingly active role in shaping the global norms. Signs of China's "selective reshaping" of institutions and rules have been found in trade, investment, and international finance. In the field of dispute resolution, China's deeply rooted tradition of informal means of dispute resolution may be of value to the practice in other jurisdictions. The users' constant search for predictability has led to the increasing judicialization of arbitration, when the international commercial arbitration laws and procedures increasingly replicate national judicial procedures, national laws and their legal intricacies, which departs from arbitration's original purpose of offering an alternative resolution to the court proceedings. This has resulted in an opposing trend of hybrid processes and mixed mode dispute resolution, with China playing a leading role in this trend. Such a form of impact onto arbitration proceedings can be seen as further extending the space free from States' control and thus contributing to the processes of autonomization of arbitration. These recent developments show China's efforts to balance the globalization and localization of its commercial arbitration and mediation practice, including both localized globalism and globalized localism—the "glocalization" process.

This article argues that attention to representational practices and epistemology, however important for expanding the boundaries of International Relations as a field of study, has been insufficient for dealing with difference in world politics, where ontological conflicts are also at play. We suggest that IR, as a latecomer to the 'ontological turn', has yet to engage systematically with 'singular world' logics introduced by colonial modernity and their effacement of alternative worlds. In addition to exploring how even critical scholars concerned with the 'othering' and 'worlding' of difference sidestep issues of ontology, we critique the ontological violence performed by norms constructivism and the only limited openings offered by the Global IR project. Drawing on literatures from science and technology studies, anthropology, political ecology, standpoint feminism and decolonial thought, we examine the potentials of a politics of ontology for unmaking the colonial universe, cultivating the pluriverse, and crafting a decolonial science. The article ends with an idea of what this might mean for International Relations.

This dissertation studies indigenous peoples in international politics, particularly in the United Nations (UN). Indigenous peoples gained access to the organisation on a permanent basis with the establishment of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (PF). In addition, their rights are increasingly recognised by the UN member states, the most notable advance in this regard being the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. This progress has taken place in a state-based system, many of whose members have colonised indigenous peoples and at least previously been hostile to their demands. Indeed, it is this paradox, and my interest in how the change has come about that provided the impetus for the research project. Despite these advances in indigenous participation and rights, I argue that there is no less power exercised over the peoples than previously. I approach the agency of indigenous peoples from two perspectives, that of norm socialisation and that of Foucault-inspired approaches to power and governmentality. The first perspective views indigenous peoples as norm entrepreneurs. It identifies frames through which the peoples draw attention to their concerns and suggest solutions; that is, the peoples promote the acceptance of new norms by states. The latter perspective informed three analyses. In the first, I investigated the ways in which the subjectification and resistance of indigenous peoples takes place in the small-scale power relations of the PF. The second consisted of a critical examination of the constant entanglement of indigeneity and the environment in international politics and its consequences for indigenous agency. The third examined the ways in which the prevailing and accepted discourse on indigenous rights has neoliberal power effects that go beyond the proclaimed emancipatory aims of the rights. The research material comprises observations made in four PF annual sessions; statements by representatives of indigenous peoples, states and UN agencies; reports on the establishment of the PF; and reports of the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The study embraces the methodological guideline of problematisation: text analysis was applied to first identify recurrent and familiar perceptions of indigenous peoples and their agency; this then provided the basis for a critical examination of the power effects associated with the perceptions. The ultimate aim of the analysis was to recover the political in what often seems de-politicised, established and accepted in the context of indigenous peoples and international politics. This research breaks from the more conventional approaches to indigenous peoples and politics that conceive of the international institutional, political and legal advances in indigenous issues as self-evidently desirable and 'good'. Such approaches fail to recognise the 'darker' side of the seemingly benign processes involved: they overlook the many ways in which more hierarchical power relations persist. There is no denying that the ways in which indigenous peoples and indigeneity are dealt with in the UN foster indigeneity and its alleged qualities and recognise the freedoms and rights of the peoples. However, as my critical study illustrates, the growing recognition of indigenous rights and the enhanced participation of indigenous peoples signals a change in the ways in which indigenous peoples are best managed internationally, a development geared to ensuring the efficient functioning of neoliberal governance. Indeed, rather than the peoples being governed any less in international politics today, governance at work has taken on more subtle forms.

Résumé Si les relations entre la Chine et l'Afrique sont anciennes, leur intensification souligne l'émergence d'un monde multipolaire et le déplacement du centre de gravité économique mondial. Ces relations sont essentiellement économiques et fondées sur le principe « win-win » (gagnant-gagnant). Elles reposent sur la spécialisation postcoloniale entre les fournisseurs de matières premières africains et les pourvoyeurs en produits manufacturés ou en services. Les partenariats militaires se sont également développés. La Chine est ainsi porteuse d'opportunités pour le développement du continent. Sa présence n'est toutefois pas exempte de risques à terme, si elle ne parvient pas à entraîner l'économie locale et à être en conformité avec les droits de l'homme, les normes environnementales et sociales, ou la bonne gouvernance.

La question de l'intégration de l'islam est plus que jamais inscrite à l'agenda politique dans nombre de pays européens. Si la France a précédé de près de dix ans l'Allemagne sur cette voie, les deux voisins européens se trouvent aujourd'hui engagés l'un et l'autre dans un processus de reconnaissance politique de cette nouvelle composante religieuse, essentiellement issue de l'immigration. Certes, on observe une dynamique commune d'émergence du problème de l'islam en tant que problème public du local vers le national. Toutefois, dans un cas comme dans l'autre, ce glissement d'échelle implique un processus de mise aux normes nationales du fait islamique et de sa gestion par les acteurs publics qui, dans ses modus operandi, fait resurgir des styles politiques nationaux différents.

Debates about electoral reform revolve around giving voters more choice. Consequently, reformers often favor adopting the single transferable vote, a candidate-based system that allows voters to rank order candidates. Nonetheless, studies about whether lower preferences (transfers) influence STV election outcomes remain scant. To address this gap, our comparative multivariate approach tests transfers' impact on election results in Ireland, Malta, Northern Ireland, and Scotland. We find that, on average, transfers are pivotal in the election of about one in 10 elected candidates. Hence, their impact is the exception rather than the norm. We show that when lower preferences are decisive at the candidate level, they benefit smaller and moderate parties and non-incumbents and, in Malta and Ireland, female candidates. Our results have implications for understanding the extent to which multiple preferences influence election outcomes and for debates on electoral reform.

For newly independent states, constitution-building can be a defining moment: a time when national identities are asserted, values and norms articulated, and founding myths created. The constitution-building process is a critical juncture between the divergent paths of stable and well-functioning democracy, on one hand, or persistent instability, coups, repression, and state failure, on the other. But what is the proper relationship of constitution-building to state formation? Should constitution-building occur before or after state formation? Or should the two processes somehow proceed in parallel? To address these questions in a Scottish context, this article draws on state-formation and constitution-building processes in the Westminster-derived tradition. The article considers the advantages and disadvantages of these sequences, and discusses the circumstances in which they might be applicable. It concludes by making some tentative recommendations for a pre-independence constitution-building process in Scotland.