Suchergebnisse

The beginning of XXI century was marked by few events that had influence on international relations in the whole world. Terror attacks in the United States of America in September 11, 2001, were the first such high a big range attacks against the USA. It had shown that the USA – the most powerful state of the world – is vulnerable to more danger, than nuclear weapons alone. After September 11 the USA started war against terrorism in Afghanistan, and many states supported it. However, in spring 2003 the USA unilaterally, without international support, decided to use military power in Iraq, arguing that Iraq possessed potential threat – weapons of mass destruction. Unilateralism, and military and technological differences between the USA and its allies have brought to light a presumption that in the international system there is a single pole, a superpower (hyperpower), the United States of America. The existence of one pole only can have different consequences on international system and international security. The aim of this article was to determine specific features of the unipolar world, influence of polarity of international system upon international security, and specific threats to security that emerge only in unipolar international systems. Another aim was to try to predict the end of the unipolar system: what could be the next poles and when could it come to the end. After analysing a number of articles concerning this topic, few conclusions were drawn. Contemporary international system is unipolar and the single pole is the USA; the USA is superior in military, economic, geopolitical, and political spheres at the same time. Increasing military power and unilateralism of the USA may be treated as a threat to international security. Great powers are trying to balance unipolar power, however, the creation of balance to unipolar power is complicated for several reasons.[.].

The beginning of XXI century was marked by few events that had influence on international relations in the whole world. Terror attacks in the United States of America in September 11, 2001, were the first such high a big range attacks against the USA. It had shown that the USA – the most powerful state of the world – is vulnerable to more danger, than nuclear weapons alone. After September 11 the USA started war against terrorism in Afghanistan, and many states supported it. However, in spring 2003 the USA unilaterally, without international support, decided to use military power in Iraq, arguing that Iraq possessed potential threat – weapons of mass destruction. Unilateralism, and military and technological differences between the USA and its allies have brought to light a presumption that in the international system there is a single pole, a superpower (hyperpower), the United States of America. The existence of one pole only can have different consequences on international system and international security. The aim of this article was to determine specific features of the unipolar world, influence of polarity of international system upon international security, and specific threats to security that emerge only in unipolar international systems. Another aim was to try to predict the end of the unipolar system: what could be the next poles and when could it come to the end. After analysing a number of articles concerning this topic, few conclusions were drawn. Contemporary international system is unipolar and the single pole is the USA; the USA is superior in military, economic, geopolitical, and political spheres at the same time. Increasing military power and unilateralism of the USA may be treated as a threat to international security. Great powers are trying to balance unipolar power, however, the creation of balance to unipolar power is complicated for several reasons.[.].

The beginning of XXI century was marked by few events that had influence on international relations in the whole world. Terror attacks in the United States of America in September 11, 2001, were the first such high a big range attacks against the USA. It had shown that the USA – the most powerful state of the world – is vulnerable to more danger, than nuclear weapons alone. After September 11 the USA started war against terrorism in Afghanistan, and many states supported it. However, in spring 2003 the USA unilaterally, without international support, decided to use military power in Iraq, arguing that Iraq possessed potential threat – weapons of mass destruction. Unilateralism, and military and technological differences between the USA and its allies have brought to light a presumption that in the international system there is a single pole, a superpower (hyperpower), the United States of America. The existence of one pole only can have different consequences on international system and international security. The aim of this article was to determine specific features of the unipolar world, influence of polarity of international system upon international security, and specific threats to security that emerge only in unipolar international systems. Another aim was to try to predict the end of the unipolar system: what could be the next poles and when could it come to the end. After analysing a number of articles concerning this topic, few conclusions were drawn. Contemporary international system is unipolar and the single pole is the USA; the USA is superior in military, economic, geopolitical, and political spheres at the same time. Increasing military power and unilateralism of the USA may be treated as a threat to international security. Great powers are trying to balance unipolar power, however, the creation of balance to unipolar power is complicated for several reasons.[.].

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

In the beginning of the 21st century different features of the transformation of the contemporary international system could be studied. Among these features changes in nature of threats, actions of main actors of international system concerning changing security environment, appearance of new centers of power and military confrontation between the USA and Russia could be distinguished. Impact of polarity of the international system towards international security was one of the most popular topics of international relations in the second half of the 20th century. Concept of polarity as certain distribution of power in international system became very popular due to Realism school of international relations. Many different studies were made concerning this topic in the Cold War period, but after the end of the Cold War topics of international system and polarity in the international system seemed as unimportant and lost its significance. The new importance of polarity conception was brought by the emergence of new types of threats to international security and by unequal distribution of power in the international system that created unipolar structure with one superpower and several smaller centers of power in the beginning of the 21st century. In this article few presumptions and conclusions concerning the transformation of the contemporary polar structure of international systems were made. First presumption is that contemporary international system is transforming from strict unipolarity with one exceptionally strong superpower to modified unipolarity with one superpower and several emerging centers of power.[.].

In the beginning of the 21st century different features of the transformation of the contemporary international system could be studied. Among these features changes in nature of threats, actions of main actors of international system concerning changing security environment, appearance of new centers of power and military confrontation between the USA and Russia could be distinguished. Impact of polarity of the international system towards international security was one of the most popular topics of international relations in the second half of the 20th century. Concept of polarity as certain distribution of power in international system became very popular due to Realism school of international relations. Many different studies were made concerning this topic in the Cold War period, but after the end of the Cold War topics of international system and polarity in the international system seemed as unimportant and lost its significance. The new importance of polarity conception was brought by the emergence of new types of threats to international security and by unequal distribution of power in the international system that created unipolar structure with one superpower and several smaller centers of power in the beginning of the 21st century. In this article few presumptions and conclusions concerning the transformation of the contemporary polar structure of international systems were made. First presumption is that contemporary international system is transforming from strict unipolarity with one exceptionally strong superpower to modified unipolarity with one superpower and several emerging centers of power.[.].

In the beginning of the 21st century different features of the transformation of the contemporary international system could be studied. Among these features changes in nature of threats, actions of main actors of international system concerning changing security environment, appearance of new centers of power and military confrontation between the USA and Russia could be distinguished. Impact of polarity of the international system towards international security was one of the most popular topics of international relations in the second half of the 20th century. Concept of polarity as certain distribution of power in international system became very popular due to Realism school of international relations. Many different studies were made concerning this topic in the Cold War period, but after the end of the Cold War topics of international system and polarity in the international system seemed as unimportant and lost its significance. The new importance of polarity conception was brought by the emergence of new types of threats to international security and by unequal distribution of power in the international system that created unipolar structure with one superpower and several smaller centers of power in the beginning of the 21st century. In this article few presumptions and conclusions concerning the transformation of the contemporary polar structure of international systems were made. First presumption is that contemporary international system is transforming from strict unipolarity with one exceptionally strong superpower to modified unipolarity with one superpower and several emerging centers of power.[.].

SUMMARY The aim of this work is to exam international social security standards and their implementation in Lithuania social security system. The work is divided into two parts. The first part "International social security standards" is defined. The place of international treaties in Lithuanian legal system is analyzed as international social security standards are basically established in these documents. Further based on the geographical criterion social right and social security standards established in the universal, European and European Union levels are analyzed. The chapter "Social rights and social standards established in the universal human rights documents" the provisions of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights are examined together with the conventions of the International Labour Organization. In the chapter "Social rights and social protection standards established in the European human rights documents" there are examined the provisions of European Social Charter (revised) and the European Social Code. Taking into consideration the impact of European Union law on the Lithuanian legal system in the chapter "Social rights and social standards established in the European Union law" the provisions of European Union Charter of Fundamental Rights and Charter of Fundamental Social Rights of the Workers are analyzed. In the following part of the work social security standards established for the protection of such social risks as maternity, family circumstances and aging are consistently examined based on the analysis of the provisions on the Lithuanian social security is defined. In the chapter of the work analyzes the entitlement of elderly people to pension, social services and other social support also their right to housing and medical care. In the chapter based on the provisions of above mentioned international conventions and Convention of the Rights of the Child the system of support for the household incomes and non-cash benefits for children is analyzed. In the last part the issues of pregnancy, childbirth leave and parental guarantees are defined.

SUMMARY The aim of this work is to exam international social security standards and their implementation in Lithuania social security system. The work is divided into two parts. The first part "International social security standards" is defined. The place of international treaties in Lithuanian legal system is analyzed as international social security standards are basically established in these documents. Further based on the geographical criterion social right and social security standards established in the universal, European and European Union levels are analyzed. The chapter "Social rights and social standards established in the universal human rights documents" the provisions of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights are examined together with the conventions of the International Labour Organization. In the chapter "Social rights and social protection standards established in the European human rights documents" there are examined the provisions of European Social Charter (revised) and the European Social Code. Taking into consideration the impact of European Union law on the Lithuanian legal system in the chapter "Social rights and social standards established in the European Union law" the provisions of European Union Charter of Fundamental Rights and Charter of Fundamental Social Rights of the Workers are analyzed. In the following part of the work social security standards established for the protection of such social risks as maternity, family circumstances and aging are consistently examined based on the analysis of the provisions on the Lithuanian social security is defined. In the chapter of the work analyzes the entitlement of elderly people to pension, social services and other social support also their right to housing and medical care. In the chapter based on the provisions of above mentioned international conventions and Convention of the Rights of the Child the system of support for the household incomes and non-cash benefits for children is analyzed. In the last part the issues of pregnancy, childbirth leave and parental guarantees are defined.

The functioning of the modern regulatory system for customs duties, which combines unilateral and multilateral (regional) levels, is currently based on the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreements (1994) and on the provisions of the Convention on the Harmonised Commodity Description and Coding System (1983). However, the practical application of these provisions is related to conflicts between the sources of national and international law and even the different sources of international law itself. It should be noted that at the present time, individual states have not yet formed a unified approach on whether the WTO Agreements should have a direct effect in their national legal system, as most of the states are following the doctrine of dualism and deny this possibility, although the practices followed by the national courts of the Republic of Lithuania have shown the elements of a monistic approach to this problem. The increasing use of international preferential trade agreements and the prevalence of agreements, which establish the customs unions, could also be regarded as a challenge to the development of international economic law and international trade system. Moreover, analysis of the judicial practices of national courts (in the Republic of Lithuania) and the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union has confirmed that an explicit approach to the relationship existing between international, EU and national customs law has not yet materialised.

The functioning of the modern regulatory system for customs duties, which combines unilateral and multilateral (regional) levels, is currently based on the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreements (1994) and on the provisions of the Convention on the Harmonised Commodity Description and Coding System (1983). However, the practical application of these provisions is related to conflicts between the sources of national and international law and even the different sources of international law itself. It should be noted that at the present time, individual states have not yet formed a unified approach on whether the WTO Agreements should have a direct effect in their national legal system, as most of the states are following the doctrine of dualism and deny this possibility, although the practices followed by the national courts of the Republic of Lithuania have shown the elements of a monistic approach to this problem. The increasing use of international preferential trade agreements and the prevalence of agreements, which establish the customs unions, could also be regarded as a challenge to the development of international economic law and international trade system. Moreover, analysis of the judicial practices of national courts (in the Republic of Lithuania) and the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union has confirmed that an explicit approach to the relationship existing between international, EU and national customs law has not yet materialised.

The Professor Mykolas Romeris discussed about political systems advantages e disadvantages. He compared a multi-party system in which three or more political parties have the capacity to gain control of government separately or in coalition. And a two- party system which is a form of party system where two major political parties dominate the voting in nearly all elections. As a result, all, or nearly all, elected offices end up being held by candidates endorsed by the two major parties. The ruling party's majority may still be based on a smaller segment of the population than coalition governments due to lower turnout, and votes cast that do not lead to the desired representative. According to the professor M. Romeris the two-party system does produce stable governments, but this comes at the expense of the preferred outcome of stable democracy. M. Romeris was disposed that political corruption is the misuse by government officials of their governmental powers for illegitimate, usually secret, private gain. He was pointed that politicians forgot the main ethical, political, moral principals. Favoring relatives or personal friends became too many powerful. Professor was sure that the nations will have to try the way to identity and eliminate such kind politics and parties.

The aim of the dissertation is to prove that the contemporary neglect of Schmitt's early work "Political Romanticism" (1919) is an erroneous position adopted by the majority of contemporary scholars. Without paying enough attention to the study of political romanticism, we can not understand the systematic nature of Schmitt's researches during the years 1919-1927. By focusing on the arguments put forward in "Political Romanticism" we can achieve a new understanding of Schmitt's political philosophy. A detailed analysis of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism shows that "Political Romanticism" has to be seen as a starting point of his systematic intellectual enterprise. The research shows that "Political Romanticism" is the source of many of the most important conceptions of Schmitt's political philosophy. The idea about the close relationship of theological and political concepts was already formulated in this work in 1919. It was explicated in more detail in the following studies. Research has shown that Schmitt's conception of political theology should be understood as a philosophical depolyment of theological arguments. Political romanticism, political theology and the concept of the political are united by Schmitt's unorthodox Catholic perspective. Some inner incosistencies of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism are revealed in the dissertation.

The aim of the dissertation is to prove that the contemporary neglect of Schmitt's early work "Political Romanticism" (1919) is an erroneous position adopted by the majority of contemporary scholars. Without paying enough attention to the study of political romanticism, we can not understand the systematic nature of Schmitt's researches during the years 1919-1927. By focusing on the arguments put forward in "Political Romanticism" we can achieve a new understanding of Schmitt's political philosophy. A detailed analysis of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism shows that "Political Romanticism" has to be seen as a starting point of his systematic intellectual enterprise. The research shows that "Political Romanticism" is the source of many of the most important conceptions of Schmitt's political philosophy. The idea about the close relationship of theological and political concepts was already formulated in this work in 1919. It was explicated in more detail in the following studies. Research has shown that Schmitt's conception of political theology should be understood as a philosophical depolyment of theological arguments. Political romanticism, political theology and the concept of the political are united by Schmitt's unorthodox Catholic perspective. Some inner incosistencies of Schmitt's conception of political romanticism are revealed in the dissertation.