Suchergebnisse

In its external regional policy (European interregionalism), the European Union attaches great importance to Latin-Caribbean America, taking into account its enormous economic, market, human and raw material potential. The European Union is developing cooperation with Latin American countries in a very competitive environment. The United States have the traditional influence in the region. The US for centuries have been involved in the formation of the region. Since 2014, China has pushed the EU to the third place in terms of economic cooperation with Latin American countries. The European Union responds to this competition with a well-structured policy of investment and offers mutually beneficial cooperation to Latin American regional institutions. The EU heeds the new requests of the Latin American regional community. This creates certain competitive advantages for the European Union in the region.Key words: European Union, Latin-Caribbean America, European Interregionalism, MERCOSUR, UNASUR, the Andean Community, the San Jose Group, the Rio Group, ALBA, CELAC. ; В своей внешней региональной политике (европейский интеррегионализм) Европейский союз придает важное значение Латинско-Карибской Америке, учитывая ее огромный экономический, рыночный, человеческий и сырьевой потенциал. Европейский союз развивает сотрудничество с латиноамериканскими странами в острой конкурентной среде, прежде всего с США и Китаем. Традиционное влияние в регионе имеют США. В то время как Китай с 2014 г. потеснил ЕС на третье место по объему экономического сотрудничества со странами Латинско-Карибской Америки. Европейский союз стремится противопоставить США и Китаю в регионе хорошо структурированную политику инвестиций и взаимовыгодного сотрудничества с латиноамериканскими региональными институтами, учитывающую новые запросы латиноамериканского регионального сообщества. Это придает Европейскому союзу определенные конкурентные преимущества в регионе.Ключевые слова: Европейский союз, Латинско-Карибская Америка, европейский интеррегионализм, Сообщество латиноамериканских и карибских государств, МЕРКОСУР, УНАСУР, Андское сообщество, группа Сан-Хосе, группа Рио, АЛБА.

"This book explores the nature of regions and how they function, particularly at the local and micro-level. Whilst recent years have seen a resurgence in debates around the roles which regions can play in development, the focus has tended to be on 'macro' regional institutions such as the EU, ASEAN, ECOWAS or MERCOSUR. In contrast, this book offers a nuanced analysis of the important field of sub-regionalism and sub-national cross-border cooperation.Region-Making and Cross-Border Cooperation takes a fresh look at both theoretical and empirical approaches to 'region-making' through cooperation activities at the micro-level across national borders in Europe, Southeast Asia, Latin America, Africa and the Middle East. The book aims to explore the role that institutional dynamics play at the micro-level in shaping local and global ties, investigate what the formal and informal integration factors are that bolster regionalism and regionalization processes, and to clarify to what extent, and under what conditions, cooperation at the micro-level can be instrumental to solving common problems.Scholars and students within politics, sociology, geography, and economics would find this book an important guide to regionalism at a micro-local level perspective."--Provided by publisher.

Abstract Brazil-European Union relations punch below their weight. Cooperation takes place at three levels: relations with European Union (EU) member states, Brazil`s partnership with Brussels, and EU-MERCOSUR negotiations. This multilevel governance contrasts with poor results: there is no free trade agreement, development cooperation became irrelevant, and international positions rarely converge. The article explores the reasons for the underperformance by comparing foreign policy shifts in Brazil and the EU, and analyzing multilevel governance in selected sectors of cooperation. It is based on four assumptions: multilevel relations are uncoordinated, idealist inter-regionalism doesn't work, and crisis-driven, liberal realist foreign policies in Brazil and the EU facilitate bilateralism.

International organizations as new subjects of international law and its institutionalization -- Place and position of international organizations within international law system -- Regionalism and international law -- Old and new regionalism -- Treaty and institutional regionalism -- Regional judicial and non judicial bodies and their importance for proper functioning of regional systems -- Interregionalism -- Relation of regionalism and regional organizations with respect to general international law.

Regional identity-building has been described within the literature on the European Union (EU)–Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) relationship as a function of interregionalism. While this literature has commonly premised regional identity-building as the direct result of interregional interaction in the sense of regionto-region best practice-sharing and capacity-building, it has also recognized that there have been instances of EU–ASEAN interregional disagreement which have raised levels of regional self-awareness and identity indirectly through processes of self-and-othering. Prominent examples of this kind of ASEAN regional identitybuilding through interregional othering processes have been the EU–ASEAN dispute over human rights and Myanmar in the 1990s. Even though the official EU-ASEAN relationship has come a long way since then, Thailand's recent experience as the coordinator of the official EU–ASEAN dialogue reveals that regional identity-building through interregionalism continues to build on processes of differentiation. Specifically, through Thailand's experience in managing the EU–ASEAN Strategic Partnership talks, as part of its role as the Southeast Asian EU–ASEAN coordinator from 2015 until 2018, this article demonstrates the interplay of differentiation and identification processes within contemporary ASEAN regional identity-building and - affirmation. (Asien/GIGA)

This article provides a contextualisation for the study of relations between the European Union and Africa. We identify seven major trends and drivers that have characterised the literature surrounding the relationship: colonial legacy, meanings of partnership, asymmetry, market liberalisation, politicisation, regional actorness and the changing global order. In the literature, these elements tend to be examined separately or in unidirectional perspectives. This article argues, however, that each element invariably influences both sides, although not necessarily in the same manner or to the same effect. In addition, most elements are intertwined and influence each other. These entanglements become visible when examining all seven elements as part of one context. This article suggests that proceeding on an assumption of mutual influence and highlighting the intertwined nature of the different elements constitutes a framework that serves this special issue's efforts to recalibrate African and European perspectives in the scholarship. ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The emergence of a multipolar world is an integral part of the globalization processes. Strategic partnership at the regional, interregional and transregional levels is becoming a new institution and at the same time an instrument of modern international relations. The international and legal framework for the cooperation of BRICS as a transregional association is considered herein. The importance of converging the positions of the BRICS countries in the global political and economic system is emphasized. The research is aimed at the analysis of the international legal foundations of trade and economic cooperation of the BRICS countries within the system of transregional relations, factors, conditions and prospects for development. The measures to enhance and expand mutually beneficial trade and economic partnerships within the framework of BRICS will most effectively utilize their resource, technological, and trade and economic potential, creating the basis for the sustainable growth of the national economy and competitiveness in global development. The practical significance of the study lies in the analysis of the mechanisms of integration of BRICS. The results obtained may be useful in shaping the strategy of trade and economic cooperation within the framework of BRICS. ; peer-reviewed

La mise en place de dynamiques interrégionales dans le Global South a participé à la mutation de la physionomie de la scène internationale dès le début du XXIe siècle, offrant ainsi aux régions du Sud de nouveaux espaces de socialisation et de dialogue. Par ailleurs, ces interactions interrégionales Sud-Sud renvoient à une réalité empirique plurielle dont l'étude reste marginalisée au sein de la littérature sur l'interregionalisme. Dès lors, la présente contribution s'interroge sur l'usage et la pratique qui est fait de l'espace inter régional dans le Global South et questionne la mise en place d'un cadre conceptuel capable de mettre en lumière les différents enjeux et logiques qui structurent lesdits processus ineterregionaux. En soulignant le paradoxe épistémologique qui caractérise l'analyse des processus interrégionaux au Sud, à savoir le fait de rassembler des réalités plurielles et à la fois de manquer de cadre d'analyse susceptible d'aborder les enjeux de cet usage spécifique, cette contribution se penche sur le cas des relations interrégionales afro-sud-américaines. Ainsi, à partir de cette étude de cas, il est présenté une approche éclectique qui vise à intégrer le concept de Coopération Sud-Sud dans l'étude desdits processus notamment à travers la notion d'interrégionalisme Sud-Sud. ; Peer reviewed

La Unió Europea ha esdevingut en els darrers anys un dels actors globals més actius a l'hora de liberalitzar barreres comercials. Des de la creació de l'Organització Mundial del Comerç i com a complement a la seva participació en negociacions multilaterals, la Unió ha mantingut negociacions amb diversos paï-sos i regions amb l'objectiu d'establir-hi relacions comercials preferents. En el cas de les negociacions interregionals, algunes d'elles han conclòs amb acord mentre que d'altres han finalitzat sense. Les interaccions entre regions han constituït l'objecte natural d'estudi de la litera-tura en interregionalisme. Dominada principalment per tècniques de recerca qualitativa, aquest camp de recerca ha expandit principalment el seu desenvolu-pament teòric mitjançant estudis de cas en profunditat de les interaccions entre regions. En aquest sentit, una de les excepcions en la literatura ha estat el marc teòric desenvolupat per Aggarwal i Fogarty, pensat per analitzar d'una forma àmplia a través de diversos casos el resultat de les negociacions interregionals de comerç de la Unió Europea. En el seu volum editat, els autors identifiquen els factors a tenir en consideració per determinar l'existència de cohesió regional en el soci de la Unió i els apliquen de forma qualitativa a diversos casos d'estudi. Aquesta tesi contribueix amb eines d'anàlisi quantitativa a l'estudi de l'interregionalisme i, utilitzant el marc d'Aggarwal i Fogarty com a punt de parti-da, suggereix un mètode per mesurar i analitzar l'impacte de la cohesió del soci comercial de la Unió Europea en el resultat de les negociacions interregionals. Com a cohesió s'entén el mecanisme format per diversos factors que ajuda al soci regional a disminuir el número de d'actors amb capacitat de veto (veto players) i permet al grup treballar amb efectivitat i unit. La recerca operaciona-litza quantitativament els factors i dimensions identificats per Aggarwal i Fogarty que composen la cohesió del soci comercial regional i mesura l'efecte mig de la variable ...

"The age of Western hegemony is over. Whether or not America itself declines or thrives under President Trump's leadership, the post-war liberal international order underpinned by US military, economic and ideological primacy and supported by global institutions serving its power and purpose, is coming to an end. But what will take its place? A Chinese world order? A re-constituted form of American hegemony? A regionalized system of global cooperation, including major and emerging powers? In this updated and extended edition of his widely acclaimed book, Amitav Acharya offers an incisive answer to this fundamental question. While the US will remain a major force in world affairs, he argues that it has lost the ability to shape world order after its own interests and image. As a result, the US will be one of a number of anchors including emerging powers, regional forces, and a concert of the old and new powers shaping a new world order. Rejecting labels such as multipolar, apolar, or G-Zero, Acharya likens the emerging system to a multiplex theatre, offering a choice of plots (ideas), directors (power), and action (leadership) under one roof. Finally, he reflects on the policies that the US, emerging powers and regional actors must pursue to promote stability in this decentred but interdependent, multiplex world. Written by a leading scholar of the international relations of the non-Western world, and rising above partisan punditry, this book represents a major contribution to debates over the post-American era."--

On November 14, 2017, in Manila, Philippines, the heads of 16 countries including China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia, New Zealand and ASEAN announced 2018 as the new target year to conclude the Re-gional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) negotiations. The RCEP Participating Countries (RPCs) had originally tried to achieve a substantial conclusion for the RCEP by the end of 2017, in time for ASEAN's milestone 50th anniversary, but as of yet such a substantial conclusion still remains a goal.