Suchergebnisse

Sejak tahun 1970an ASEAN telah mengembangkan bi-regional arrangement dengan organisasi regional di luar kawasan Asia Tenggara dan hybrid interregionalism dengan negara-negara yang memiliki pengaruh di kawasan ini. Anggota-anggota ASEAN juga secara individual mengambil peran aktif dalam transregional arrangement dengan negara-negara non anggota ASEAN. Ragam interregionalisme semakin diperkuat sejak pemimpin-pemimpin ASEAN mencanangkan cita-cita pembentukan komunitas ASEAN di tahun 2003.Penelitian ini mengkaji kontribusi interregionalisme yang melibatkan ASEAN sebagai organisasi maupun negara-negara secara individual terhadap proses pembentukan komunitas ASEAN. Penelitian ini mengikuti argumentasi teoretisi Transaksionalisme, yang menyatakan bahwa interaksi intens dan ekstensif di antara aktor-aktor regional sangat penting untuk menghasilkan fondansi 'we feeling' yang fundamental bagi pembentukan komunitas regional. Berangkat dari konsepsi ini, penelitian ini melihat bahwa faktor determinan untuk penguatan institusi regional bersifat endogenous – terkait kemampuan bangsa-bangsa untuk mendefinisikan identitas regional, membangun kerangka normatif dan organisasional yang menjadi 'code of conduct' dalam interaksi reguler mereka; pendefinisian identitas regional ini merupakan hasil interaksi yang intens dan ekstensif di antara aktor-aktor yang menjadi bagian dalam proses integrasi. Pertanyaan penelitian tentang hubungan interregionalisme dan pembentukan komunitas ASEAN ini menjadi menarik untuk dikaji lebih jauh karena interregionalisme bersentuhan erat dengan faktor yang bersifat exogenous yang berpotensi untuk memperlemah pembentukan 'identitas regional'.Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa bi-regional arrangement dan hybrid interregionalism yang dikembangkan negara-negara ASEAN secara kolektif-institusional maupun transregional arrangement yang melibatkan negara-negara dengan kapasitas individual masing telah menjadikan konstruksi komunitas ASEAN lebih bersifat terbuka dan adaptif terhadap pengaruh ekstra regional. Interregionalisme telah membantu negara-negara anggota untuk memperkuat modalitas dan kapasitas bagi integrasi politik keamanan dan ekonomik dan memfasilitasi konektivitas di antara bangsa-bangsa Asia Tenggara; dan dengan demikian secara potensial menumbuhkan nilai-nilai ke-ASEAN-an di antara mereka. Namun demikian, interregionalisme membawa tantangan aktual serius bagi konsolidasi integrasi ASEAN di bidang ekonomik dan politik-keamanan; konstruksi ASEAN tetap akan dipengaruhi oleh pengaruh-pengaruh eksternal yang diciptakan oleh mitra-mitra interregional ASEAN.

The actions undertaken between regions to establish agreements and to institutionalize relations are a constant of the contemporary internationalorder. This article puts forward a panorama of the academic debate around the relationship between regions. The first part presents the main arguments which sustain the notion of interregionalism. The second part exposes some ideas about its analytical limits. The conclusion highlights that the analytical approach of interregionalism is in need of further refinement by empirical studies. The regional processes in America and Europe and the studies of the relationships between Europe Union and Latin America illustrate some reflections. ; Las acciones que realizan las regiones para celebrar acuerdos e institucionalizar relaciones son una constante del orden mundial contemporáneo. En el presente artículo se ofrece un panorama del debate académico en torno a las relaciones entre regiones. La primera parte expone los principales argumentos que subyacen el concepto de interregionalismo; la segunda da a conocer algunas ideas acerca de sus límites analíticos. La conclusión destaca la necesidad de realizar estudios empíricos para perfeccionar el enfoque del interregionalismo. Los procesos regionales de America Latina y Europa y los estudios sobre las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y América Latina ilustran algunas de las reflexiones ofrecidas.

This paper examines the impact of interregionalism on regulatory governance. Specifically, it analyses an underexplored aspect of the negotiation process for an interregional agreement between the European Union (EU) and the Common Market of the South (Mercosur): to what extent and how has this given rise to particular forms of regulatory governance in Mercosur? The paper empirically explores the trade and cooperation agendas involved in trade facilitation and education, and argues that the long negotiation process between the EU and Mercosur has affected the ways in which different forms of regulatory governance are expressed. Still, these show variation across policy issues. Both the type of norm promoted and the capacity-building mechanisms envisaged create a particular ideational and material context, all of which affects the actor constellation and leads in turn to different regulatory governance regimes, yet within the same interregional negotiation process.

In its external regional policy (European interregionalism), the European Union attaches great importance to Latin-Caribbean America, taking into account its enormous economic, market, human and raw material potential. The European Union is developing cooperation with Latin American countries in a very competitive environment. The United States have the traditional influence in the region. The US for centuries have been involved in the formation of the region. Since 2014, China has pushed the EU to the third place in terms of economic cooperation with Latin American countries. The European Union responds to this competition with a well-structured policy of investment and offers mutually beneficial cooperation to Latin American regional institutions. The EU heeds the new requests of the Latin American regional community. This creates certain competitive advantages for the European Union in the region.Key words: European Union, Latin-Caribbean America, European Interregionalism, MERCOSUR, UNASUR, the Andean Community, the San Jose Group, the Rio Group, ALBA, CELAC. ; В своей внешней региональной политике (европейский интеррегионализм) Европейский союз придает важное значение Латинско-Карибской Америке, учитывая ее огромный экономический, рыночный, человеческий и сырьевой потенциал. Европейский союз развивает сотрудничество с латиноамериканскими странами в острой конкурентной среде, прежде всего с США и Китаем. Традиционное влияние в регионе имеют США. В то время как Китай с 2014 г. потеснил ЕС на третье место по объему экономического сотрудничества со странами Латинско-Карибской Америки. Европейский союз стремится противопоставить США и Китаю в регионе хорошо структурированную политику инвестиций и взаимовыгодного сотрудничества с латиноамериканскими региональными институтами, учитывающую новые запросы латиноамериканского регионального сообщества. Это придает Европейскому союзу определенные конкурентные преимущества в регионе.Ключевые слова: Европейский союз, Латинско-Карибская Америка, европейский интеррегионализм, Сообщество латиноамериканских и карибских государств, МЕРКОСУР, УНАСУР, Андское сообщество, группа Сан-Хосе, группа Рио, АЛБА.

The relationship between the EU and the Latin-American region belongs to the logics of interregionalism. This article approaches this relation especially in what the Latin-American integration is concerned. In this way, in a first moment, a conceptual panorama (from the academic implications of region, regionalism and interregionalism, among others) is offered. By the means of the documentary method, the existence of an EU's interregional strategy and its possible Americanization was verified. The obtained results showed: the existence of the UE interregional strategy as well as its concretization in the negotiation of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) EU – CAN. The two major conclusions of this article were: First, there is a slight Americanization of this interregional European strategy. The second conclusion is that a deepening of the international presence of Europe as regional actor is observed. It means the deepening of the EU's soft power. ; Peer reviewed

The article starts from an analysis of S.P. Huntington's theory of the clash of civilizations and puts in evidence one of its critical points, i.e. the fact that Huntington does not pay any attention to the development by the EU of a particular kind of actorness through the promotion of interregionalism worldwide. Tracing the history of the different phases of success and decline of both theories, the article attempts to test their persistent explanatory and analytical capacity in relation to current developments in the international arena as well as in the academic context.

The main question this paper is dealing with is the following: are the EU relations with Latin America moving from an interregional approach to a bilateral one?

The relationship between the European Union and the Latin American region is a part of the logic of inter-regionalism. This article approaches this relation particularly as regards Latin American integration. To this end, it first addresses a conceptual overview (considering the academic implications of concepts such as, e.g., region, regionalism, and inter-regionalism, among others). A documentary method was used for verifying the existence of an interregional strategy for the European Union and the possible Americanization of such a strategy. As a result of this, the existence of this strategy has translated, among other things, into the negotiation of a Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and Andean Community of Nations (FTA EU-ACN). Two major conclusions can be drawn from this article. On the one hand, there is evidence of said Americanization, and on the other hand, the second conclusion is that the international presence of Europe as a regional actor has grown strong. This strength is comparable with the strengthening of its soft power worldwide. ; La relación Unión Europea - América Latina se inscribe en la lógica del interregionalismo. En este artículo se aborda esa relación, especialmente en lo que concierne a la integración de América Latina. Para ello se ofrece, en un primer momento un panorama conceptual (desde las implicaciones académicas de región, regionalismo e interregionalismo, entre otros). Mediante el método documental se verificó la existencia de una estrategia interregional de la Unión Europea y la posible norteamericanización de la misma. Se obtuvo como resultado que la existencia de la estrategia se ha traducido (entre otras) en la negociación del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre la Unión Europea y la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (TLC UE-CAN). Se llegó finalmente a dos conclusiones mayores. La primera es la constatación de dicha norteamericanización. La segunda es que se observa una profundización de la presencia internacional de Europa como actor regional y que esto es comparable con la profundización de su poder blando en el mundo.

The relationship between the European Union and the Latin American region is a part of the logic of inter-regionalism. This article approaches this relation particularly as regards Latin American integration. To this end, it first addresses a conceptual overview (considering the academic implications of concepts such as, e.g., region, regionalism, and inter-regionalism, among others). A documentary method was used for verifying the existence of an interregional strategy for the European Union and the possible Americanization of such a strategy. As a result of this, the existence of this strategy has translated, among other things, into the negotiation of a Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and Andean Community of Nations (FTA EU-ACN). Two major conclusions can be drawn from this article. On the one hand, there is evidence of said Americanization, and on the other hand, the second conclusion is that the international presence of Europe as a regional actor has grown strong. This strength is comparable with the strengthening of its soft power worldwide. ; La relación Unión Europea - América Latina se inscribe en la lógica del interregionalismo. En este artículo se aborda esa relación, especialmente en lo que concierne a la integración de América Latina. Para ello se ofrece, en un primer momento un panorama conceptual (desde las implicaciones académicas de región, regionalismo e interregionalismo, entre otros). Mediante el método documental se verificó la existencia de una estrategia interregional de la Unión Europea y la posible norteamericanización de la misma. Se obtuvo como resultado que la existencia de la estrategia se ha traducido (entre otras) en la negociación del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre la Unión Europea y la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (TLC UE-CAN). Se llegó finalmente a dos conclusiones mayores. La primera es la constatación de dicha norteamericanización. La segunda es que se observa una profundización de la presencia internacional de Europa como actor regional y que esto es comparable con la profundización de su poder blando en el mundo.

The aim of this article is to assess the European Union's (EU) engagement with and within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states in the field of non-traditional security (NTS) between 1997 and 2009, prior to the Lisbon Treaty becoming effective. The analysis concentrates on the EU's response to five NTS crises and the interregional level of interaction from a sector-specific governance and social-constructivist approach. These crises are the avian influenza, the political conflict and the tsunami in Aceh, the Bali bombings and the Asian financial crisis (AFC) in South-East Asia. The case studies illustrate EU NTS action and gauge EU NTS actorness from a South-East Asian perspective to substantiate the EU's interregional interaction and external actorness quality in specific fields of governance in a region so far away.

Dieser Artikel analysiert die Zusammenarbeit der Europäischen Union (EU) mit den Mitgliedsstaaten der Vereinigung südostasiatischer Nationen (ASEAN) im Bereich nicht-traditioneller Sicherheit (NTS) zwischen 1997 und 2009, also noch vor Inkrafttreten des Vertrages von Lissabon. Fünf NTS-Krisen (Vogelgrippe, politischer Konflikt und Tsunami in Aceh, Bombenanschläge auf Bali sowie Asien-Finanzkrise), die Reaktionen der EU auf diese, sowie die entsprechenden Interaktionen auf der interregionalen Kooperationsebene stehen im Mittelpunkt der Analyse, welche einen sozialkonstruktivistischen und sektorspezifischen Governance-Ansatz verfolgt. Die Fallstudien legen die NTS-Aktivitäten der EU dar und bieten eine Einschätzung ihrer Akteursqualität aus südostasiatischer Perspektive. Des Weiteren wird versucht, die Qualität der interregionalen europäisch-südostasiatischen Interaktionen und der EU-Akteursqualität in ausgewählten Governance-Bereichen in einer derart weit entfernten Region darzustellen. ; The aim of this article is to assess the European Union's (EU) engagement with and within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states in the field of non-traditional security (NTS) between 1997 and 2009, prior to the Lisbon Treaty becoming effective. The analysis concentrates on the EU's response to five NTS crises and the interregional level of interaction from a sector-specific governance and social-constructivist approach. These crises are the avian influenza, the political conflict and the tsunami in Aceh, the Bali bombings and the Asian financial crisis (AFC) in South-East Asia. The case studies illustrate EU NTS action and gauge EU NTS actorness from a South-East Asian perspective to substantiate the EU's interregional interaction and external actorness quality in specific fields of governance in a region so far away.

CONTENIDO Editorial. Briceño Ruiz, José Investigación Activismo político transnacional: la rendición de cuentas en el comercio mundial. Transnational political activism: to accountability the world trade. De la Torre Oropeza,Verónica Efectos de la inserción de Venezuela en el Mercosur sobre sus flujos comerciales totales. Effects of Venezuela inclusion in Mercosur over total trade flow. Chuecos, Alicia E. La integración hemisférica y el interregionalismo en la estrategia comercial externa de América del Sur. Hemispheric integration and interregionalism in the South America's trade strategy. Briceño Ruiz, José El neo-nacionalismo bolivariano: el ALBA como expresión del nuevo tiempo histórico nacional. The bolivarian neo-nationalism: the ALBA proposal as expression of a new historical time. Mora García, José Pascual Imagen del ALCA en la prensa tachirense. (Diciembre 2001 - julio 2004). FTAA image in Tachira´s newspaper (December 2001 - july 2004). Otero Silva, Marlene Caminando por los ríos, ocuparon el territorio. Segunda parte: poblamiento hispano. Walking by the rivers, they populated the territory: hispanic population. Maldonado D., Héctor Augusto Una propuesta de formación docente en zona de frontera: nivel de educación básica, sector San Antonio - Ureña. A proposal for teacher development in the border: level basic education in San Antonio - Ureña. Chacón Corzo, María A. y Becerra Torres, Gladys Yolanda Análisis La frontera en los diarios venezolanos el nacional y la nación: 1996-2005. Bustamante de Pernía, Ana Marleny y Herrera, Ruth Agenda De las relaciones colombo-venezolanas (mayo 2006 - octubre 2006). On the colombian-venezuelan relations (may 2006 - october 2006). Reseñas Ocampo, José Antonio: Reconstruir el futuro. Globalización, desarrollo y democracia en América Latina, CEPAL. Reseñado por: Mallorquín, Carlos Índice acumulado ; 39-48 ; bricenoj@ula.ve, bricenoruiz@hotmail.com ; semestral ; Nivel analítico

The European Union and the MERCOSUR are promising partners, as shows the increasing exchange in the trade of goods and services, their volume of the first order of investments, the significant aid for cooperation to the development that provides the EU to the South Cone Countries and the productive dialogue political mutual of the last years. In spite of this context so favourable, since 1999 the EU and the MERCOSUR are negotiating with little success the implementation of the Interregional Framework Cooperation Agreement, signed in Madrid in 1995, due to enormous difficulties surfaced during the sixteen negotiations rounds, particularly - but not exclusively- for the deep differences in agricultural matter, up to the end of being able to state that the establishment of the future association finds at present in a cul-de-sac. The next birregional EU-LAC Summit, which will be taken place in Madrid in May 2010, offers a unique occasion to go out from this impasse making use of the circumstance that it will be chaired by Spain, the main defender of the closer relationships among both organizations of integration ; La Unión Europea y el MERCOSUR son socios prometedores, como muestra el creciente intercambio en el comercio de mercancías y servicios, el volumen de primer orden de las inversiones, la significativa ayuda de cooperación al desarrollo que proporciona la UE a los países del Cono Sur y el fructífero diálogo político mutuo de los últimos años. A pesar de este contexto tan favorable, desde 1999 la UE y el MERCOSUR están negociando con poco éxito la implementación del Acuerdo Marco Interregional de Cooperación, suscripto en Madrid en 1995, debido a enormes dificultades afloradas durante las dieciséis rondas negociadoras, en particular –pero no exclusivamente- por las profundas diferencias en materia agrícola, hasta el extremo de poder afirmar que en estos momentos el establecimiento de la futura asociación se encuentra en un callejón sin salida. La próxima Cumbre birregional entre la UE y ALC, que se celebrará en Madrid en mayo de 2010, brinda una ocasión única para salir de este impasse si se aprovecha bien la circunstancia de que será presidida por España y éste es el principal valedor del estrechamiento de relaciones entre ambas organizaciones de integración.

La Unión Europea y el MERCOSUR son socios prometedores, como muestra el creciente intercambio en el comercio de mercancías y servicios, el volumen de primer orden de las inversiones, la significativa ayuda de cooperación al desarrollo que proporciona la UE a los países del Cono Sur y el fructífero diálogo político mutuo de los últimos años. A pesar de este contexto tan favorable, desde 1999 la UE y el MERCOSUR están negociando con poco éxito la implementación del Acuerdo Marco Interregional de Cooperación, suscripto en Madrid en 1995, debido a enormes dificultades afloradas durante las dieciséis rondas negociadoras, en particular-pero no exclusivamente- por las profundas diferencias en materia agrícola, hasta el extremo de poder afirmar que en estos momentos el establecimiento de la futura asociación se encuentra en un callejón sin salida. La próxima Cumbre birregional entre la UE y ALC, que se celebrará en Madrid en mayo de 2010, brinda una ocasión única para salir de este impasse si se aprovecha bien la circunstancia de que será presidida por España y éste es el principal valedor del estrechamiento de relaciones entre ambas organizaciones de integración. ; The European Union and the MERCOSUR are promising partners, as shows the increasing exchange in the trade of goods and services, their volume of the first order of investments, the significant aid for cooperation to the development that provides the EU to the South Cone Countries and the productive dialogue political mutual of the last years. In spite of this context so favourable, since 1999 the EU and the MERCOSUR are negotiating with little success the implementation of the Interregional Framework Cooperation Agreement, signed in Madrid in 1995, due to enormous difficulties surfaced during the sixteen negotiations rounds, particularly-but not exclusively-for the deep differences in agricultural matter, up to the end of being able to state that the establishment of the future association finds at present in a cul-de-sac. The next birregional EU-LAC Summit, which will be taken place in Madrid in May 2010, offers a unique occasion to go out from this impasse making use of the circumstance that it will be chaired by Spain, the main defender of the closer relationships among both organizations of integration. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

This article examines the impact of interregionalism on deepening regional integration processes in non-European Union (EU) regions, specifically the Southern Common Market (Mercosur). It considers whether 'capacity-building' functions of interregionalism are present in EU–Mercosur relations. It argues that although negotiations for an association agreement might have helped Mercosur survive periods of severe crisis in the past, the terms of the agreement under negotiation were not sufficiently attractive to encourage deeper integration in Mercosur. Moreover, interregionalism cannot be expected to compensate for low institutionalization, nor substitute for weak political willingness to deepen integration. Ultimately, Mercosur alone can decide how far it wants to take its regional integration.