Iran lies between Iraq and, further north, Turkey to the west and Afghanistan and Pakistan to the east. Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and the Caspian Sea border Iran to the north, and thee Persian Gulf to the south. Iran covers 636,293 square miles. In the early decades of the twentieth century, many people lived by herding animals. Some of the Kurds and the Shahsevan in the northwest, Qashqai, Bakhtiary, Lurs, and Kamseh in the southwest, Baluch in the southeast, and Turkmen in the northeast lived in nomadic camps, traveling with their animals in search of water and pastures. Beginning in the 1920s, the two Pahlavi shahs, Reza Shah and his son, Mohammad Reza Shah, worked to pacify tribespeople and bring them under the control of the central government. Now, nomads have largely been settled and live in villages or migrate to urban areas.
In dieser Arbeit wird das Hauptziel verfolgt, eine liberaldemokratische Grundordnung und das gegenwärtig herrschende politische System im Iran, also die Islamische Republik, in philosophisch- weltanschaulicher Hinsicht miteinander zu vergleichen. Dieser Vergleich ist deswegen von Signifikanz, denn die der Islamischen Republik Iran zugrundeliegende Weltanschauung versteht sich als eine Alternative zur liberaldemokratischen Organisierungsweise der menschlichen Verhältnisse. Basierend auf der islamisch-schiitischen Weltanschauung hat die islamische Republik im Iran ihre eigene politische Philosophie zur rationalen Begründung der staatlichen Gewalt und eigene Zivilisationsstandards zur Affekt- und Triebkontrolle, die anders als diese Standards bei einer liberaldemokratischen Grundordnung sind. Aber um den genannten Vergleich theoretisch zu fundieren, wurden auf der Grundlage von Nietzsches Kulturphilosophie zwei mögliche Umgangsweisen des Menschen mit sich selbst und mit der Welt im Ganzen idealtypisch herausgearbeitet: die metaphysisch-substantielle und die moderne Weise. Und als das Resultat des Vergleichs hat sich das Folgende ergeben: Der das islamische politische System des Irans tragenden Weltanschauung als eine metaphysisch-substantielle Weltanschauung liegt ein dualistisches Weltbild zugrunde, welche die Welt in ein Diesseits und Jenseits unterscheidet. Sie basiert auf einer absoluten, metaphysischen und ausschließenden Gegenübersetzung zwischen Sein und Werden, Gut und Böse, Wahr und Falsch, Freund und Feind und bewirkt die Substanzialisierung dessen, was bei ihrer Entstehung einmal als die Prinzipien und Orientierungspunkte zur Wirklichkeitsbewältigung aufgestellt wurden, welche fortan jedes Individuum und die jeweilige Lebenssituation zur totalen Assimilation auffordern. Damit kontrastiert die metaphysisch-religiös fundierte Kultur das Gegenbild zu der der modernen, liberalen Demokratie zugrunde liegenden Weise der Selbst- und Welterschließung, die die Beweglichmachung des Verhältnisses zwischen Sein und Werden, die Individualisierung, Pluralisierung und Temporalisierung der Grenzsetzungen, Werte und Orientierungs- und Verhaltensmuster und Enttabuisierung, Relativierung und Entsubstanzialisierung der Konstatierungen von Wahr und Falsch zum Fundament hat. ; The aim of this study is to compare philosophical foundations of two political systems and their respective worldviews: liberal democratic system namely, Germany and present political regime of Iran i.e. Islamic Republic. This comparative study is important because Islamic Republic conceives itself as an alternative -perhaps the most serious one- to Liberal Democracy. The comparison has been made on the basis of cultural philosophy of Nietzsche. He distinguishes between two kinds of relationships of human being with his "self" and the "world"; metaphysical/essential vs. modern type. These concepts are introduced as theoretical ideal types in the first part of the study. The study shows that the Islamic Republic in Iran is based on a philosophy that draws a metaphysical and essential distinction between truth and untruth, good and evil, as well as between friend and enemy. As a result, this political world outview is in contrast with the modern one, governing in liberal democracies, which has relative, historical and a posteriori view to values and determinations.
This thesis examines the effects of cultural globalization on people lifestyle in Isfahan city and its rural areas around it as the case study. Globalization and media technologies like internet, satellite, television, video, cinema and radio as well as new forms of consumption have created new conditions in Iran during the past two decades that the central government cannot control. Along with these new conditions, global cultures and new glocalized subcultures emerged. According to Nederveen Pieterse' theory of cultural globalization we will find out the current situation in Iranian society. Also we use the culture industry form Horkheimer and Adorno has been used for the analyzing part. The research method is qualitative with interview and observation in both areas. The lifestyle indices which are used in the interviews and observation are followed by the examples of French scholar Pierre Bourdieu and his major work distinction. The number of interviews in this research was one hundred and also fifty observations have been done by the researcher during four months fieldwork in region of study. The result shows the most important elements of cultural globalization which has affected people lives is media and the front line of social groups who are more affected are students, young people and who have the ability of speaking English. And also the glocalization and hybridization theories with a strong combination of culture industry theory can explain and is fit with region of study in particular and Iran country in general. ; Diese wissenschaftliche Arbeit untersucht die Auswirkungen kultureller Globalisierung auf Lebensstile im Iran. Kernthema ist dabei ein Vergleich zwischen einer städtischen und ländlichen Region, die jeweils Ursachen, Technologien und Strömen der Globalisierung in unterschiedlicher Intensität ausgesetzt sind. Ausgehend von der Lehre Bourdieus wird zunächst angenommen, dass sich städtische und ländliche Lebensstile voneinander unterscheiden. Anschließend werden die Auswirkungen verschiedener Aspekte der Globalisierung auf die unterschiedlichen Lebensstile festgestellt und miteinander in Beziehung gesetzt. Schließlich konzentriert sich die Arbeit auf die Beziehungen zwischen kultureller Globalisierung und den sich unterscheidenden Lebensstilen. Die Untersuchung wählt die Stadt Isfahan und ihre ländliche Umgebung als Fallstudie und basiert auf eigener empirischer Forschung. Globalisierung wird in dieser Studie als die Ausbreitung, Vertiefung und Beschleunigung des zeitgenössischen gesellschaftlichen Lebens verstanden. Einsetzend mit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs entwickelte sich die Globalisierung als ein Komplex von Veränderungen, die mehr Intensität und Tiefe mit sich brachten. Dieser Prozess wurde in der Vergangenheit unter verschiedenen Gesichtspunkten betrachtet. Einige Theoretiker glauben, dass dieser Prozess eine "Amerikanisierung" oder "Homogenisierung" der Welt bewirken. Dem entgegengesetzt wird behauptet, dass Globalisierung eine "Lokalisierung" mit sich bringt. Eine dritte Gruppe von Forschern spricht von "Glokalisierung". Diese Arbeit wird argumentieren, dass all diese Theorien in Betracht zu ziehen sind, dass sie dabei jedoch jeweils nur unterschiedlichen Tendenzen von Globalisierung und unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Gruppen entsprechen.
Im Januar 2016 hoben die EU und die USA die Wirtschafts- und Finanzsanktionen gegen den Iran auf. Der Beitrag stellt die Handelsfolgen der Sanktionen gegen den Iran dar und leitet mögliche Handelspotenziale für die deutsche Industrie ab.
In: Danaei, G. and Farzadfar, F. and Kelishadi, R. and Rashidian, A. and Rouhani, O.M. and Ahmadnia, S. and Ahmadvand, A. and Arabi, M. and Ardalan, A. and Arhami, M. and Azizi, M.H. and Bahadori, M. and Baumgartner, J. and Beheshtian, A. and Djalalinia, S. and Doshmangir, L. and Haghdoost, A.A. and Haghshenas, R. and Hosseinpoor, A.R. and Islami, F. and Kamangar, F. and Khalili, D. and Madani, K. and Masoumi-Asl, H. and Mazyaki, A. and Mirchi, A. and Moradi, E. and Nayernouri, T. and Niemeier, D. and Omidvari, A.-H. and Peykari, N. and Pishgar, F. and Qorbani, M. and Rahimi, K. and Rahimi-Movaghar, A. and Tehrani, F.R. and Rezaei, N. and Shahraz, S. and Takian, A. and Tootee, A. and Ezzati, M. and Jamshidi, H.R. and Larijani, B. and Majdzadeh, R. and Malekzadeh, R. (2019) Iran in transition. The Lancet, 393 (10184). pp. 1984-2005.
Iran is a tropical country with a land area of 1,648,000 square kilometers and a population of 68,100,000. Iran has a recorded history that dates back 2553 years. Its earliest medical school was Pasargad. Jondi Chapour University was founded 1753 years ago during the Sassanid dynasty as a center for higher education in medicine, philosophy, and pharmacology. Indeed, the idea of xenotransplantation dates back to days of Achaemenidae (Achaemenian dynasty), as evidenced by engravings of many mythologic chimeras still present in Persepolis. Avicenna (980-1037 AD), the great Iranian physician, performed the first nerve repair. Transplantation progress in Iran follows roughly the same pattern as that of the rest of the world, with some 10-20 years' delay. Modern organ transplantation dates back to 1935, when the first cornea transplant was performed at Farabi Hospital in Tehran, Iran. The first living-related kidney transplantation performed at Shiraz University Hospital dates back to 1968. The first bone marrow transplant was performed at Dr. Shariaati's Hospital in Tehran. The first heart transplant was performed 1993 in Tabriz, Iran. The first liver transplant was performed in 1993 in Shiraz. The first lung transplant was performed in 2001, and the first heart and lung transplants were performed in 2002, both at Tehran. In late 1985, the renal transplantation program was officially started in a major university hospital in Tehran and was poised to carry out 2 to 4 transplantations each week. Soon, another large center initiated a similar program. Both of these centers accepted surgical, medical, and nursing teams from other academic medical centers for training in kidney transplantation. Since 2002, Iran has grown to include 23 active renal, 68 cornea, 2 liver, 4 heart, 2 lung, and 2 bone marrow transplantation centers in different cities. In June 2000, the Organ Transplantation Brain Death Act was approved by the Parliament, followed by the establishment of the Iranian Network for Transplantation Organ Procurement. This act helped to expand heart, lung, and liver transplantation programs. By 2003, Iran had performed 131 liver, 77 heart, 7 lung, 211 bone marrow, 20,581 cornea, and 16,859 liver tranplantations. Sources of these donations were living-unrelated donor, 82; cadaver, 10; and living-related donor, 8. The 3-year renal transplant patient survival rate was 92.9, and the 40-month graft survival rate was 85.9. Another large step in expanding the transplantation program is the construction of the Avi- Cenna (Abou Ali Sina) Transplant Hospital in Shiraz. This hospital hopefully will begin operation in 2 years. It will offer the opportunity for the exchange and sharing of organs and increased cooperation between transplant teams in the Middle East. The hospital offers great promise for transplant medicine in Iran and other Persian Gulf countries.
Bugün İran diye bildiğimiz coğrafya birçok kavmin, milletin yaşadığı; çeşitli devletlerin, imparatorlukların kurulduğu geniş bir alanı temsil etmektedir. Bu coğrafya üzerinde yaşanan tarihsel ve siyasi olayları sosyolojik bakış açısıyla incelemek ve İran İslam Devrimi'ne giden süreçte toplumun geçirmiş olduğu evreleri tüm yönleriyle araştırmak çalışmamızın esas konusunu oluşturmaktadır. İran İslam Devrimi sürecinde ve İslam Devrimi'nden sonra İran'da toplumsal, siyasi ve dini alanlarda yaşanan gelişmelerin neler olduğunu anlamak ve bu sürecin nasıl geliştiğini, devrimden sonra ortaya çıkan yeni yapıyı açıklamak, sonrasında da devam eden bu süreci bilimsel yollarla temellendirmek bu araştırmadaki temel amaçtır. İran toplumunu, devlet yapısını ve dış politikasını anlamaya yönelik bu çalışma, monarşi geleneğinden Cumhuriyet kurumları ile Şii mezhebinin harmanlandığı bir siyasi sistemi anlamak üzere ele alınmıştır. Bu açıklamalarda çeşitli kitap, makale, dergi ve internet kaynaklarından faydalanıldığı gibi bireysel olarak gözlemlenen siyasi gelişmeler dikkate alınmıştır. Ayrıca ülke içerisindeki genel durum ve kanaatler araştırılıp incelenmiştir. ; The geograpy that we know as Iran stands for a wide region in which various empires and states has been built. The principles of our study consist of examining historical and political scenes which lived in this area with the sociological perspective and searching all phases that the people lived through in the process leading to Islamic revolution of Iran. The essential factors within the this searching are understanding what and how the cases made progress in the religional, political and communal realms and during the Islamıc Revolution of Iran and later, explaining the new structure came out following this revolution, and subsequently justifying this process with the historic and scientific methtods. The studying intended for understanding Persian community, state structure and its foreign polycies prepared in order to clarify a political system that blended with the republical institutions reamins from monarchic tradition and the sect of Shia. İn this statements, political improvements observed personally have been considered as well as it exploited various books, magazines, papers ands web sources. Besides general perspectives and opinions in the country has been explored and examined.
Die Frage nach einer veränderten Strategie des Westens im Atomkonflikt mit dem Iran ist wieder virulent. Bereits auf seiner ersten Pressekonferenz hat der als gemäßigt geltende neue iranische Präsident Hassan Ruhani mehr Transparenz über das Atomprogramm seines Landes in Aussicht gestellt. Ob sich damit ein Fenster der Möglichkeiten öffnet, den Konflikt doch noch einvernehmlich und vor allem friedlich zu lösen, muss sich erweisen.
Irans zunehmender Einfluss als Regionalmacht wird wegen seines Atomprogramms und seiner antiwestlichen Politik als Störfaktor bewertet. Die offensive Rhetorik Teherans zielt primär darauf ab, möglichen Gefahren entgegenzutreten. Westliche Politik sollte das allseitig bestehende Interesse an regionaler Stabilität nutzen, um seine ausschließlich auf Eindämmung bedachte Politik zu überwinden.
Depuis quelque temps, les médias internationaux font état de la montée en puissance de l'Iran. Ce constat ne se limite pas uniquement au discours médiatique international. Il est aussi le fait de certains responsables iraniens.Comment expliquer cette situation ?De quels moyens dispose le régime islamique pour mener cette politique ?Quelles sont les possibilités et les limites de l'expansionnisme iranien ? ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
The first renal transplantation in Iran was carried out in 1967. Between 1967 to 1988 almost all renal transplants were from living-related donors and the number of renal transplants performed was much lower than the national demand. In 1988, a compensated and regulated living-unrelated donor renal transplantation program was adopted. As a result, the number of renal transplants performed substantially increased such that in 1999, the renal transplant waiting list was completely eliminated. By the end of 2006, a total of 21251 renal transplants were performed (3641 from living-related, 16544 from living-unrelated and 1066 from deceased-donors). In this program, many ethical problems that were associated with paid kidney donation were prevented. Currently, Iran is the only country with no renal transplant waiting lists, and> 50 of patients with end-stage renal disease have functioning grafts. In April 2000, the legislation was passed by parliament accepting brain death and allowing deceased-donor organ transplantation. By the end of 2006, 18 brain death identification units, 13 organ procurement units were organized, and a total of 1546 deceased-donor organ transplantations were performed (1066 kidney, 327 liver, 122 heart, 20 lungs, 7 pancreas-kidney, 2 heart-lungs and 2 small bowel transplants). The number of deceased-donor organ transplants have slowly but steadily increased in the country. The majority of deceased-donor kidney, liver, and pancreas transplants have been performed by transplant team of Shiraz University of Medical Sciences.
The first renal transplantation in Iran was carried out in 1967. Between 1967 to 1988 almost all renal transplants were from living-related donors and the number of renal transplants performed was much lower than the national demand. In 1988, a compensated and regulated living-unrelated donor renal transplantation program was adopted. As a result, the number of renal transplants performed substantially increased such that in 1999, the renal transplant waiting list was completely eliminated. By the end of 2006, a total of 21251 renal transplants were performed (3641 from living-related, 16544 from living-unrelated and 1066 from deceased-donors). In this program, many ethical problems that were associated with paid kidney donation were prevented. Currently, Iran is the only country with no renal transplant waiting lists, and> 50 of patients with end-stage renal disease have functioning grafts. In April 2000, the legislation was passed by parliament accepting brain death and allowing deceased-donor organ transplantation. By the end of 2006, 18 brain death identification units, 13 organ procurement units were organized, and a total of 1546 deceased-donor organ transplantations were performed (1066 kidney, 327 liver, 122 heart, 20 lungs, 7 pancreas-kidney, 2 heart-lungs and 2 small bowel transplants). The number of deceased-donor organ transplants have slowly but steadily increased in the country. The majority of deceased-donor kidney, liver, and pancreas transplants have been performed by transplant team of Shiraz University of Medical Sciences.
Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt die Frage nach den Auswirkungen des seit 2003 hohen Erdölpreises in Iran. Theoretisch basiert die Untersuchung auf dem Rentierstaats-Ansatz. Kernelement ist hierbei die freie Disponibilität der Rente für den Empfänger. Empirisch werden die Politikfelder Außenpolitik, Innenpolitik und Wirtschaftspolitik untersucht. Nachdem gezeigt ist, dass der Erdölpreis trotz aller Fluktuationen seit 2003 ununterbrochen hoch ist, wird in Bezug auf die Innenpolitik die These verfochten, dass die erhöhte Rente für eine populistische Politik eingesetzt wurde. Wirtschaftspolitisch verfolgte Ahmadinejad einen Primat der Verteilungspolitik. In der Außenpolitik fuhr das Regime, wie insbesondere das ostentativ verfolgte Atomprogramm zeigt, eine kostenträchtige, weil Sanktionen provozierende Strategie, die nur durch die hohen Erdöleinnahmen finanziert werden konnte. Ahmadinejad verfehlte es allerdings, Iran für den Fall zu rüsten, der durch die globale Finanzkrise eintrat: Obwohl der Erdölpreis auch danach noch über dem Niveau der 1990er Jahre lag, stellt ein Erdölpreis unter US$ 70 oder 75 Iran angesichts der hohen Kosten der redistributiven Politik vor ernsthafte haushaltspolitische Herausforderungen. (GIGA) ; Öl-Boom in Iran? Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt die Frage nach den Auswirkungen des seit 2003 hohen Erdölpreises in Iran. Theoretisch basiert die Untersuchung auf dem Rentierstaats-Ansatz. Kernelement ist hierbei die freie Disponibilität der Rente für den Empfänger. Empirisch werden die Politikfelder Außenpolitik, Innenpolitik und Wirtschaftspolitik untersucht. Nachdem gezeigt ist, dass der Erdölpreis trotz aller Fluktuationen seit 2003 ununterbrochen hoch ist, wird in Bezug auf die Innenpolitik die These verfochten, dass die erhöhte Rente für eine populistische Politik eingesetzt wurde. Wirtschaftspolitisch verfolgte Ahmadinejad einen Primat der Verteilungspolitik. In der Außenpolitik fuhr das Regime, wie insbesondere das ostentativ verfolgte Atomprogramm zeigt, eine kostenträchtige, weil Sanktionen provozierende Strategie, die nur durch die hohen Erdöleinnahmen finanziert werden konnte. Ahmadinejad verfehlte es allerdings, Iran für den Fall zu rüsten, der durch die globale Finanzkrise eintrat: Obwohl der Erdölpreis auch danach noch über dem Niveau der 1990er Jahre lag, stellt ein Erdölpreis unter US$ 70 oder 75 Iran angesichts der hohen Kosten der redistributiven Politik vor ernsthafte haushaltspolitische Herausforderungen. ; Marin Beck ; Zsfassung in dt. Sprache ; Parallel als Buch-Ausg. erschienen
This article seeks to analyse Iran's early interactions with independent Tajikistan in a cogent manner that clearly sets out Iran's actual policies and actions during the period of the Tajik Civil War. Almost entirely this article will deal with Iran's foreign policy behaviour as it related to the Tajik Civil War, and its interactions not only with the Tajik government and opposition, but also the other prominent regional party to this conflict, Russia. In doing so, this article will provide context to the conflict that tore Tajikistan apart, necessarily outlining the key factors and actors involved in the Tajik Civil War and examine Iran's actions throughout this conflict and the drawn out peace process which sought to bring an end to the violence that gripped Tajikistan between 1992 and 1997. Drawing upon numerous primary sources and interviews conducted with Iranian and Tajik government officials and scholars this article sheds new and thought provoking light of this controversial and divisive period of Iran's early involvement in post-Soviet Tajikistan.
