This paper discussed the encounter of Indonesian Muslims toward the idea of secularism. Secularism since its rise in Europe in the 18th century has spread all over the world. Supporters of secularism have assumed that secularism is undeniable. People eventually will hold it and apply it in their life, including in the public space. However, in the context of the relationship between Islam and state in Indonesia, secularism thesis has been proven failed. During the Indonesian history, the relationship between Islam and state has been a hot discourse even until recently. Yet, this paper concluded that one thing is clear; Indonesian people, especially Indonesian Muslims, have rejected secularism. In the meantime, some have rejected theocratic state either. Muslims then have endlessly endeavored to reformulate a viable synthesis on the relationship between Islam and state in Indonesia. What Indonesia has now is among the efforts of Indonesian Muslims to have a better formulation on how Islam plays its role in the public space, including in the political sphere.
Even though study concerning Islam and politics has been conducted by many researchers, few of them investigating about compatibility of Islamic political thoughts, which originated from the classical and medieval periods that have been influencing Islamic political movements and thoughts in Indonesia, with Indonesian context. Thoughts of Imam al-Mawardi (lived in the 12th Century) and Taqiyuddin al-Nabhani (lived in the 20th Century) are some of them that should be mentioned in this regard. Islamic political thoughts of al-Mawardi become the main reference for Sunni Muslims who are majority in Indonesia, while Islamic political thought of al-Nabhani become the main guidance of HTI (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) movement of which its members and followers are many in Indonesia. This article investigates about the political thoughts of al-Mawardi and al-Nabhani concerning the relationship between Islam and state as well as their compatibility with Indonesian context. This study uses the library research in which its primary resources are books written by al-Mawardi entitled Al-Ahkam al-Sulthaniyah and al-Nabhani entitled Ad-Daulah al-Islamiyah. By utilizing qualitative content analysis, data were collected and analyzed. This article argues that the Islamic political thought of al-Mawardi has been adopted by majority of Indonesian Sunni Muslims with some adjustments with Indonesian context, so that his thoughts become compatible with the concept of modern nation-state of Indonesia. On the other side, Islamic political thought of al-Nabhani which developed within a spirit of resistance to Western (European) colonialism has been adopted and campaigned by HTI without adjustment with Indonesian context. This causes al-Nabhani's thought clashes with the concept of modern nation-state of Indonesia. ; Meskipun studi tentang pemikiran politik Islam di Indonesia sudah banyak dilakukan, masih sangat sedikit penelitian tentang kompatibilitas pemikiran politik Islam, yang berasal dari periode klasik dan pertengahan yang selama ini ...
In what appeared like a dramatic reversal of previous policies towards organised Islam, President Soeharto in December 1990 gave his personal endorsement to the establishment of the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Se-Indonesia, ICMI), a body in which former regime critics, associated with the banned Muslim party Masyumi, played leading roles. Led by the man who believes himself to be Soeharto's preferrred candidate for succession, technology minister B.J. Habibie, ICMI remained in the limelight and pioneered various activities of symbolic importance to many Muslims. It established an Islamic (i.e., interest-free) bank and a Muslim quality newspaper that was meant to break the hold of the leading Christian-owned newspapers on the reading public.[1] In the new government, established after the 1992 elections, the Christian ministers who had long controlled the economic ministries were replaced by Muslims with ICMI connections. There was a notable decline of influence of Christians in the higher echelons of the intelligence services and the armed forces.
Abstract The relation of Islam and state is still as conflictual issue in recent decade, and interest topic to be explored. The development of Islam and state relation discourse does not exclude from political thinking synthesis, include of them are Islamic scholar and leader in Indonesia. The article describes how Indonesian Islamic political thinking metamorphosis, especially on Islam and state relation, since pre-national independence until reformation era. Key words : Islam, state, politics
Islamic law governs all aspects of human life, which includes two laws (rules) of life, namely the category of hablun min Allah (issue of worship) and hablun min al-Nas (muamalah issues in broad sense). Among Islamic law the hablun min al-Nas category (which is called mu'amalah in the broadest sense) is a matter of the rule of how a government is enforced and how the position of law in a country. Studies on this matter have not been evenly implemented and not yet known by all people. This study is interesting, because the rules on siyasah (Constitutional Law) are still in talks by experts, especially Muslim experts. This paper presents how the existence and future of this constitutional law in the study of Islamic Law.
Islam has comprehensive roles in some aspects of human activity. It enlarged from theological aspect to political aspects. Some former colonized countries where Islam was coexisted, this religion became an embryo of nationalist movements during colonization era. This essay scrutinizes the role of Islam in escalating nationalism during colonization era and it relation with the states in post colonization era in four former colonized countries namely Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, and Malaysia. By using comparative method, the essay researched some main literature (library research) related to Islam and nationalism. It was founded that Islam has significant roles in nationalist movement in the four analyzed countries through several channels. Meanwhile, in the post-independence era, the relation between Islam and state system are variably. In India, Islam is separated from state system (secular). In contrast, Islamic ideology became the main sources of state system in Brunei Darussalam (adopted entirely) and Malaysia (adopted partially). Then, Islam in Indonesia seems like "a gray zone" because the country does not using Islamic law but still adopting Islamic thoughts in several cases.
This article discusses the arts of governing Islam in Indonesia, a majority Muslim country, which is neither secular nor Islamic. It tries to explain how the premise of governmentality is modelled into the state structure and politics. Rather than seeing Islamophobia as a cultural practice, the article argues that Islamophobia develops partly because of power relations between the ruler and the ruled, or as I call it "regimented Islamophobia". It is the fear of "Islamic threats" – whether real or imagined – that is deemed as a potent challenge to regimes' power and authority. While the notion of majority-minority relation remains essential to analyse the forms of Islamophobia, this article offers a new insight of how political regimes exercise "governmentality practices" or the arts of governing Islam and controlling Muslim aspirations. This practice of governmentality is a key strategy to pacify Islam during the colonial and post-colonial Indonesia. As far as Indonesian political history is concerned, this governmentality practice is old wine in a new bottle; it is the technique Dutch colonial government and the regimes following the Indonesian independence have exercised for subjugating Islam and controlling aspirations of its believers.
This article aims to discuss the issues of the relationship between Islam and state in the Islamic political perspective in Indonesia. This study was motivated by the desire to criticize the development and "up and down" relationship between Islam and state that is very dynamic coloring political situation in "Islamic majority country" Indonesia. This article concluded that understanding the relationship between religion and state with Islamic political approach is not meant to establish a religious state or an Islamic state of Indonesia, but more on filling spaces are functionally religion in order society, nation and state. The relationship between Islam and state can be integrated in a functional relationship equally aspire to nobility. Even integralistic, symbiotic, and secularistic relations, each should be viewed as a form of complementary. Facing the development of modernization, the relationship between Islam and state should be articulated as an effort to always adapt to the development of society in its various aspects, such as: the globalization of the world political economy, science and technology, the development issues of democracy, gender, human rights, pluralism, both nationally and internationally.
"July 1990"--P. [2] of cover. ; NO longer available foe sale by the Supt. of Docs. ; Shipping list no.: 90-535-P. ; Cover title. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 48-49). ; Mode of access: Internet.
The jargon stating that humans are social beings seems to have become theproportion accepted by Islamic thinkers from past to present. Neither of the Islamicexperts refuses the fact that to be able to develop their self-potencies andhumanitarianism, human beings impossibly can live alone without requiringsomeone else's aids or helps. However, when they talk about the relationshipbetween religion and power, Islam and politics or Islam and state, not all of theIslamic experts have the same viewpoints. Their distinction in history can be investigated from the difference among them in seeing what is the main mission brought by Prophet Muhammad, is it right that Prophet Muhammad is as the head of state? If yes, is it part of his treatise mission or part of the tactics, procedure or ijtihad (reinterpretation) in his efforts to build egalitarian society guided by the universal moral values.
Rechtsstaatlichkeit, der Respekt vor der Meinung anderer und die Nichtanwendung von Gewalt zur Lösung gesellschaftlicher Probleme gehören zu den spezifischen Besonderheiten von zivilen und demokratischen Gesellschaften. Gehen wir demzufolge von Hannah Arendt' aus und nehmen wir ebenfalls an, dass das Leben in einem staatlichen Gemeinwesen und politisch zu sein bedeutet, sämtliche Fragen durch Dialog und Überzeugungsarbeit zu lösen anstatt durch Zwang und Gewalt, dann können wir das Fehlen von institutioneller und struktureller Gewalt als Bemühen zur Schaffung einer Demokratie anerkennen. Die Menschen waren stets daran interessiert, die unterschiedlichen Formen von Gewalt aus ihrer Gesellschaft zu verbannen und an deren Stelle Frieden, Recht und Gesetz, Gerechtigkeit und Freiheit zu setzen. Die Menschen greifen aus ganz unterschiedlichen Gründen zur Anwendung von Gewaltmitteln. Zahlreiche Faktoren üben dabei einen Einfluss aus, einer davon ist die Religion. Aufgrund ihrer bitteren Erfahrungen, die die Menschen im christlichen Abendland mit der Einmischung der Religion in die Politik sowie mit Gewalt und Repression vonseiten der Kirche gemacht hatten, sahen sie in der Renaissance die Lösung für die Ausmerzung von gesellschaftlichen repressiven Zwangsmaßnahmen in der Trennung von Religion und Politik sowie dem generellen Rückzug der Religion aus dem politischen Geschehen, woraufhin allmählich im Westen eine säkulare Gesellschaftsform etabliert worden ist. In der Geschichte der islamischen Welt hingegen übte die Religion immer wieder dann, wenn sie mit der Politik verschmolz, ganz unterschiedliche Einflüsse aus. Beispielsweise waren Staat und Religion in der Epoche der ersten islamischen Kalifen maßgeblich für die Befreiung des Volkes aus Stammesfehden, Gesetzlosigkeit und Ungerechtigkeit verantwortlich. Aus diesem Grund konnte der Islam auch innerhalb kürzester Zeit sowohl das Römische als auch das Persische Reich bezwingen. In den folgenden Jahrhunderten verlieh die Religion in der islamischen ebenso wie in der christlichen Welt den Staaten die nötige Legitimation und Stärke, die sie benötigten, um vor dem Volke zu bestehen. Dementsprechend haben wir es hier mit der Frage zu tun, welchen Standpunkt die Religionen zu Staat und Demokratie einnehmen und in welchem theoretischen Verhältnis sie zueinander stehen. Sind die historischen Erfahrungen von Islam und Christentum auf diesem Gebiet identisch? Im Gegensatz zur Trennung von Religion und Politik in der christlichen Tradition ist im Islam das Einssein'' von Religion und Politik eine unbestreitbare religiöse Tatsache; im Islam sind Politik und Religion miteinander verschmolzen, während die Unterscheidung in religiöse und weltliche Angelegenheiten im Christentum eine Verpflichtung zu doppelter Loyalität bildet. Die Trennung von Religion und Politik hatte daher in der christlichen Welt nicht immer das gleiche Ausmaß. Die Vertreter Gottes und diejenigen des Kaisers zeigten teilweise eine gegenseitige Annäherung, bisweilen wandten sie sich voneinander ab. In Anbetracht der Tatsache, dass es im Verhältnis von Religion und Politik unterschiedliche Ausprägungen gibt, sind auch differierende Ansichten über die Frage geäußert worden, in welchem Stadium ihrer Einheit Despotismus und Gewalt hervorgebracht werden. Die Beziehung zwischen Religion und Staat kann auf verschiedene Weise untersucht werden. Eine Möglichkeit besteht in der historischen Methode. Es handelt sich dabei um den Versuch, die wechselseitigen Beziehungen zwischen Religion und Regiment im Verlauf ihrer parallelen Entwicklung bei sämtlichen Völkern und Kulturen in den einzelnen Epochen aufzuzeigen. Ferner können die in einer solchen Beziehung herrschenden Prinzipien phänomenologisch analysiert werden. Die ausschließliche Anwendung jeder Methode hat ihre Grenzen. Aus der ersten Methode entstehen zahlreiche sich überschneidende Materialien, bei der zweiten Methode könnte wiederum die Beschreibung mit normativen Gesichtspunkten verwischt werden. Daher ist es ratsam, die Mitte zwischen beiden Methoden zu wählen. Es sollen die Vorteile beider Methoden genutzt und die geeigneten Elemente in eine spezielle Methode der Religionssoziologie integriert werden. Die jeweilige gegenseitige Wechselwirkung zwischen der Theologie, welche die grundlegenden Begriffe der Interpretation eines religiösen Erlebnisses formuliert, der Religionsgeschichte, die dessen Manifestationen und Entwicklungen beschreibt, und der Religionssoziologie, die die gesellschaftlichen Wirkungen religiöser Phänomene und die Vielfalt der religiösen Institutionen untersucht, wird auf diese Weise illustriert? Die Besonderheit dieser Arbeit liegt jedoch in der in ihr angewandten komparativen und interdisziplinären Methode sowie der vergleichenden soziologischen Aspekte. Diese Forschungsarbeit begrenzt sich auf die beiden ReligiAnen Islam und Christentum. Zeitlich fixiert sich die Untersuchung auf die Epoche des Mittelalters. Es wird auf zeitgenössische Entwicklungen der Religion in islamischen Ländern und auf die säkulare Epoche in den westlichen Gebieten verwiesen. In Kapitel A und B dieser Arbeit wird versucht, die Themen Islam und Christentum jeweils in Bezug auf den Staat zu analysieren, in Kapitel C sollen Ähnlichkeiten und Unterschiede aufgezeigt werden. Die vorrangige Fragestellung ist, wie das Verhältnis zwischen Religion und Staat im Islam und im Christentum aussieht und welchen Einfluss die Religion in der Geschichte auf das demokratische Verhalten und Handeln der Staaten hatte? Die nachgeordneten Fragestellungen sind: • Welche Sicht nimmt der Islam in Bezug auf Politik ein, und wie gestaltete sich die Einheit von Religion und Politik zur Zeit des islamischen Kalifats zwischen dem 7. bis 13 . Jahrhundert? • Welche Sicht nimmt das Christentum in Bezug auf Politik ein, und wie gestaltete sich die Einheit von Religion und Politik während des Mittelalters? • Wo liegen die soziologischen Unterschiede und Ähnlichkeiten bei christlichen und islamischen Staaten im Mittelalter? • Lassen sich Islam und Christentum mit Demokratie vereinbaren? • Wie entstand der Säkularismus in Europa? Ist dieses gesellschaftliche Phänomen auch in islamischen Ländern möglich?
Islam and other major narrative can be a positive force, negative, aggressive, and destructive. In term of politics, Islam could be one of the strengths of democratization or vice versa. This article explains how the pattern of Islamic political thought in the pre-independence and post-independence. This study showed that at the independence era, the problem of Islam consisted three categories, namely worship, social, and politics. In the old order, Soekarno supported the idea of separation of religion and state. In the new order era, all of variants of Islam and politics supported Pancasila as the sole basis. In the reform period, all components of religions founds its momentum to express their aspirations openly, freely, and concretly.
This thesis critically explores the dominant discourse on Islamic terrorism. Taking the 9/11 attack on the World Trade Centre as the point of departure, it examines a range of neoconservative literature in order to gain a better understanding of the historical and political conditions that gave rise to the present policy impasse concerning Islamic nations. It critically examines how neoconservative theories and policies shaped and influenced the rationalisation behind the present war on terror and American foreign policy. Based on that understanding, this thesis focuses on whether different theories of dialogue can help us to appreciate adequately the politics of justice that Political Islam seeks, and accordingly a range of such theories are examined.Through critical analysis of a number of neoconservative works, this thesis establishes a formative link between neoconservative theories and the current policy failure. It is also argued that neoconservative theories, perhaps due to their indulgence in the orthodoxies of International Relations ontology, have failed to extend the scope of this debate beyond the narrow discourse effectively captured by the Islamic Other vs. Civilised Us dichotomy. In order to counter adequately conservative explanations and policy discourse, this thesis provides alternative analysis of the development of Islam within the colonial and post-colonial experiences of Muslim communities, particularly in the Middle East. This alternative analysis seeks to broaden the debate and bring within hearing alternative voices that define Islam as both non-monolithic and conciliatory in its practice and outlook. In this context it suggests a formative link between these historico-political experiences and the rise of political Islam. It is further demonstrated that what contributed to the emergence of Islam as a credible and effective political force to challenge political hegemony in the Middle East was indeed the absence of any meaningful political alternative such as nationalism, Western liberalism, or republicanism. Consequently, political Islam nudged the political constituency into greater participation in the public sphere, and initiated a process of political dialogue that the polity of many Muslim states engaged in. Since the justice that political Islam avowedly seeks is dressed in political dialogue, only by thoroughly exploring and mapping out the scope and limits of the politics of dialogue can one expect to understand adequately the nature of this justice and its attendant politics. Accordingly, this thesis examines a range of theories of dialogue, and seeks to redress some of the grave anomalies in the current political framework, in order that readers – politicians, students, community representatives, lawmakers – may look to means of overcoming the current policy impasse.
Indonesia is home to more Muslims than any other country. Yet it is not an Islamic state and is unlikely to become one, despite the strong and sustained urgings of some Muslim groups. Indonesian Islam is, like Indonesian society itself, dynamic and diverse, accommodating a wide variety of practices and beliefs. One area of contention between conservative Muslims on the one hand, and the state (supported by many more moderate Muslims) on the other, is the extent to which Islamic law should be recognised, applied and enforced by institutions of state. The Indonesian government's response has generally been to limit formal recognition of Islamic law to specified areas of family law and finance, codifying the relevant principles and enforcing them through Islamic courts. This article considers whether the constitutional freedom of religion, introduced in 2000, requires the state to provide mechanisms to apply and enforce the corpus of Islamic law. In particular, it discusses two cases in which Muslims asked the Indonesian Constitutional Court to consider whether freedom of religion required the state to remove restrictions on polygamy, and to allow Indonesia's Religious Courts to apply Islamic law in its entirety, including criminal law.
The article contributes to a better understanding of 'Traditional Islam' (TI), a state-led project in Azerbaijan to establish an alternative narrative promoting a specific local understanding of Islam that builds on its non-political, non-sectarian and national features to prevent 'non-traditional' religious variants from gaining popular traction. The phenomenon has not appeared in a vacuum. First, its features and functions stem from Soviet-era anti-religious and nationalities policies. Second, many aspects of TI resemble counter-radicalisation initiatives worldwide. Finally, while introduced as a means of blocking radicalisation in order to protect Azerbaijan's national identity as a secular state, Traditional Islam in fact works to extend state control over the religious domain and thus to prevent the development of any religiously grounded dissent against the authoritarian regime.
