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This study examines and analyzes the development of the relations between the Political Islam movements, on the one hand, and the foreign or regional and international environments, with the west in particular, on the other hand. In another words, it examines the concept and the practice of the Political Islam Movements and International Relations. It puts the movements' and the environments' visions, agendas and policies since the 1940s up till now into perspective. The paper deals with many aspects such as, challenges to the efficiency of the Political Islam movements in the international arena, the attributes of the Political Islam, and the theoretical approach to International relation incorporated into the political Islam movements' framework. This paper is confined to the study of the contemporary Political Islam movements, specifically the Sunni Arab one. This movement is mainly represented by the Muslim Brotherhood and its different partisan forms across the Arab world. It is also represented by those movements which dissented and severed any relations they once had with the Brotherhood despite the similar vision they share.

Relations among believers of different religions are often characterized by conflict and disharmony. The interreligious conflict and disharmony are not in line with the doctrine and religious mission itself, which on the contrary promote peace and harmony. If the undesirable opposite happens, it means there is a gap between the normative teachings with the empirical reality. Why does that happen? This article reveals the issues related to the Christian-Muslim relations in Indonesia over a period of time along with the factors underlying the disharmony of Christian-Muslim relations in Indonesia. The method used to analyze this problem was the historical-sociological approach. This study concludes that the Christian-Muslim conflict in Indonesia is triggered by external rather than (internal) problems such as political and economic issues as well as the shalow understanding of the believers themselves.

In order to analyse the impact of these ideological disagreements between Islam and the West on international political behaviour and international relations, this paper highlights the different visions of Western societies' understanding of the meaning of divinity and prophecy compared with that of Muslim societies. Accordingly, the paper focuses on exploring multiple opinions of Western intellectual elites in regards to this issue in addition to the approach by the media and common traditions in the West. However, the paper assumes that, despite the existence of a misconception in Western societies toward the meaning of prophecy, there are positive aspects in that some intellectual elites have dealt with prophecy respectfully, particularly in terms of the Prophet Muhammad, PBUH. Therefore, the paper wishes to illustrate some of these elites, especially the poets and novelists, scientists and philosophers. Other elites, however, in addition to the popular and traditional dominant perception, dealt with prophecy with a kind of disdain, contempt and ridicule. The paper uses comparison methodology to discuss this issue in our contemporary reality, particularly between Islam and the West; Muslim societies and Western societies. In this paper I seek to examine the possibility of finding a means of communication between both sides through addressing the West equitably and rationally to relieve and deal with the anger in the Muslim world and to deepen the mutual understanding and dialogue between the two cultures and civilisations. Unquestionably, this will have a positive impact on the relationship between Muslim and Western societies and on international relations.

Local culture is undoubtedly a very important aspect to every nation. Having an awareness of local culture, especially among the youth, plays a great role in shaping a society and a state. For one to have an appreciation of another country's culture, however, can be an important starting point in breaking down barriers of misperceptions or misunderstandings, and in helping to build global relationships. In support of this idea, the Japanese Embassy in Jakarta this year offered a special program called the Japan-East Asia Network of Exchange for Students and Youth (JENESYS) to strengthen the awareness of Japanese local culture among Muslim youth in Indonesia. In early 2014, the Japanese government, working in cooperation with PPIM (Center for the Study of Islam and Society) at UIN Syarif Hidayatullah in Jakarta, invited a number of university students to visit Japan.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v21i2.1044

The Arab Kingdom of Kindah has reached the apogee of its glory and its authority on the stage of history before Islam, in order for the most prominent historical events to shed light on it, and if we follow the Arab narratives regarding this kingdom, they are few and different, in addition to interpretation and historical conversations about them. Therefore, we have considered in the current research a presentation of the Kindah state and its external relations with other tribes, before Islam. Since the Kingdom of Kindah has many historical roots, so we tried to penetrate deep into its ancient origins, and in this research, we have intended in this paper to talk about the history of an Arab country that has more than two and a half centuries. This is what prompted us to return to the ancient origins of this great and luminous kingdom in human history, as well as to identify its lands that covered all parts of the Arabian Peninsula. Also, about its commercial relations with other countries and the attributed writings with which it is famous, as well as the thousands of inscriptions and decorations left behind in the Arabian Peninsula.

International audience ; The political life of the States refers to a number of issues, particularly in the social, economic and cultural fields, specific to each society. The specialty of any activity in international politics would be to make collective problems emerge, to reveal the demands of political power and to propose solutions. In this context, the media would be involved in actions of socialization, mobilization, negotiation, promotion and participation. As the fourth power, they would play alongside the executive, legislative and judicial branches an essential role of actors and witnesses in the life of modern States and in relations between States. By their intervention in the process of pacifying conflicts, their power is no longer in doubt since they have proved their indispensable role both in liberal democracies and in other political systems. ; La vie politique des Etats renvoie à quantité d'enjeux notamment dans le domaine social, économique et culturel, propre à chaque société. La spécialité de toute activité en politique internationale, consisterait à faire émerger les problèmes collectifs, à révéler les demandes au pouvoir politique et de proposer des projets de solutions. Dans ce contexte, les médias seraient impliqués dans des actions de socialisation, de mobilisation, de négociation, de promotion et de participation. En tant que quatrième pouvoir, ils joueraient aux côtés des pouvoirs exécutif, législatif et judiciaire, un rôle essentiel d'acteurs et de témoins dans la vie des Etats modernes et dans les rapports entre Etats. Par leur intervention dans le processus de pacification des conflits, leur puissance ne fait plus aucun doute dès lors qu'ils ont prouvé leur indispensable rôle tant dans les démocraties libérales que dans les autres systèmes politiques.

The overall objective of the dissertation is to analyze the interaction of national development in developing societies and the world political economy. It is an attempt to challenge the bidden selectivity of present day IR by going beyond the partial explanations of the bits and pieces of the whole international system and at the same time uncover claims of scientific "objectivity" and "natura) laws" in human nature. It is also challenging the mainstream discourse of IR, which denotes that development has been consigned to the realm oflow pol i tics, except when the international order, as it has been constructed, is threatened. The objective then is to "connect the dots" by providing an overall theoretical framework for the concepts and empirical material presented in five sections and chapters of this dissertation. This is done by examining competing views of what development and later on international relations means and how they may be intertwined. The idea is not necessarily to reach a unified approach but to investigate the different theories, concepts and methodologies involved in a search for a valid framework, which may give explanatory value to a merger of the two disciplines "Development studies" and "International Relations".

Beginning with the suppression of the Gezi Park protests in 2013, the AKP aimed to counteract and oppress social and political opposition. The proponents of hegemonic liberal-conservative approach considered this process as the AKP's authoritarian turn, and explained it with references to the tutelary regime borrowed from either the Republican state or neoliberalism on a global scale. Nevertheless, the liberal-conservative approach could not adequately identify the AKP's attempt at transition to the exceptional form of state already beginning in 2010. This article borrows its theoretical and conceptual framework from Marxism. It argues that the AKP's attempt was a result of and a response to the hegemonic crisis of the charity state as a particular sociohistorical form of authoritarian neoliberal state in Turkey. The AKP's aim to transform and reconsolidate the charity state remained in conformity with its goal to maintain bourgeois class domination under the tutelage of religion.

"Suggested readings" at end of each chapter. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Defence date: 26 March 2015 ; Examining Board: Professor Christian Reus-Smit, University of Queensland (Supervisor); Professor Jennifer Welsh, EUI; Professor Thomas Biersteker, Graduate Institute, Geneva; Professor Edward Keene, University of Oxford. ; Much of both the academic and practical discourse about international politics implies conceptions of states as, in one way or another, free or unfree. We talk about state autonomy, suggesting states have the capacity to deliberate and determine their own destiny. We discuss constraints on state action and debate the legitimacy of interference in the affairs of other states. We also measure and assess state development, suggesting a potential in states for self-realisation. The concept of sovereignty, and the belief that this principle demands the rejection of the subjection of states to higher authority, frames much of our thinking about world politics. Such issues lie at the heart of much of our theorising of IR: in realism's security dilemma, for example; in liberal debates about humanitarian intervention; or in constructivist analyses of the relationship between sovereignty and state identity. It is a central contention of this thesis that conceptions of state freedom are present in the deep analytical and normative presumptions of much of the theory of international relations. The conceptions of state freedom that inform such theorising remain, however, for the large part implicit. The principal purpose of this thesis is to remedy the absence of sustained, explicit consideration of the concept of state freedom, and it does this by historically excavating ideas about what it means for states to be free. While explicit discussion of the freedom of states was prominent in the 17th and 18th century, as the state's position as the locus of political authority was gradually consolidated the terminology of state freedom diminished in salience. Ideas of state freedom did not disappear, however; they continued to be expressed in analogous areas of international discourse. Drawing on philosophical ideas about individual freedom, this thesis presents a theoretical approach to making such implicit ideas visible. It makes the case for a 'grammar' of freedom, which, it is argued, enables one to distinguish ideas about freedom from other species of ideas but does not prejudice their substance. The thesis then employs this grammar to identify ideas of state freedom in international debate surrounding three cognate concepts: non-intervention, sovereign equality and self-determination. Through analysis of the arguments made by states-people about these three concepts, the thesis articulates a number of evolving ideas about what it means for states to be free and unfree. That historical investigation uncovers both a strong normative preference among practitioners of international relations for the freedom of states and sharp disagreement about what constitutes that freedom. The thesis argues that the contestation surrounding ideas of state freedom have played an important role structuring legitimate relations of control between states. The thesis concludes by reflecting on the implications of these observations for the approaches of theorists of international relations to the key concepts of sovereignty and the state.

In what appeared like a dramatic reversal of previous policies towards organised Islam, President Soeharto in December 1990 gave his personal endorsement to the establishment of the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Se-Indonesia, ICMI), a body in which former regime critics, associated with the banned Muslim party Masyumi, played leading roles. Led by the man who believes himself to be Soeharto's preferrred candidate for succession, technology minister B.J. Habibie, ICMI remained in the limelight and pioneered various activities of symbolic importance to many Muslims. It established an Islamic (i.e., interest-free) bank and a Muslim quality newspaper that was meant to break the hold of the leading Christian-owned newspapers on the reading public.[1] In the new government, established after the 1992 elections, the Christian ministers who had long controlled the economic ministries were replaced by Muslims with ICMI connections. There was a notable decline of influence of Christians in the higher echelons of the intelligence services and the armed forces.

Relation between 'Nusantara Islam' and Islamic education in contemporary Indonesia is a pivotal issue. It is because of many fundamental reasons, such as, historical, social, political, cultural, religious and educational perspectives. In this context, this article focuses on the relationship and the contribution of Nusantara Islam in Indonesian Islamic educational context from time to time in all aspects. The research in this paper is qualitative with descriptive analytical approach and documentary method. The general objective of this study is to find out what and how the history of Nusantara Islam in the country? What and how the history of Islamic education in Indonesia? How is the relationship between Nusantara Islam and Islamic education in contemporary Indonesia? The results showed that, first and foremost, is the history of Nusantara Islam is a portrait of a very complex history, which extends from the Aceh to Papua and elsewhere in Indonesia. Second, the history of Indonesian Islamic education is the discussion about institution, content of materials and objectives of Islamic-based education from time to time. Third, the relationship between Nusantara Islam and Islamic education in contemporary Indonesia has a strong "bond†with each other. Ultimately, the relationship is so closely linked to the development and progress of the nationhood. ; Hubungan Islam nusantara dan pendidikan Islam di Indonesia kontemporer merupakan isu yang penting karena berbagai alasan sejarah, sosial, politik, budaya, agama hingga pendidikan. Tulisan ini fokus pada relasi dan kontribusi Islam nusantara dalam pendidikan Islam di Indonesia dari waktu ke waktu dalam semua aspeknya. Penelitian dalam tulisan ini bersifat kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif analitis dan menggunakan metode dokumentatif. Tujuan umum penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui apa dan bagaimana sejarah Islam nusantara di Indonesia? Apa dan bagaimana sejarah pendidikan Islam di Indonesia? Bagaimana hubungan antara Islam Nusantara dan pendidikan Islam di Indonesia kontemporer? Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: pertama, sejarah Islam nusantara merupakan potret sejarah yang sangat kompleks tersebar dari ujung Aceh hingga Papua dan kawasan lain di Indonesia. Kedua, sejarah pendidikan Islam di Indonesia merupakan bahasan tentang institusi, materi dan tujuan pendidikan yang berbasis Islam dari masa ke masa. Ketiga, hubungan antara Islam Nusantara dan pendidikan Islam di Indonesia kontemporer memiliki keterkaitan yang erat satu sama lain. Dari era ke era, hubungannya sangat terkait erat dalam pembangunan dan kemajuan bangsa.

This work examines concept of sincerity in politics and international relations in order to discuss what we should expect of politicians, within what parameters should they work, and how their decisions and actions could be made consistent with morality. The collection features an international cast of authors who specialize in the topic of sincerity in politics and international relations. Each chapter will be focused on a contemporary issue in politics and international relations, including corruption, public hypocrisy, cynicism, trust, security, policy formulation and decision-making, political apology, public reason, denial and self-deception, and will argue against the background of a Kantian view of sincerity as unconditional. Focusing on sincerity bearing on political actions, practices, and institutions at national and international level.

Environmental issues and questions of global change are now firmly established on the international political agenda. This book provides a wide-ranging survey of the current treatment of environmental issues in international relations. This book begins by looking at the relevance of the different theoretical approaches current in international relations to the study of the environment. It analyzses a wide range of approaches from the debate between neo-realism and liberal institutionalism to the significant connections between gender and global environmental change. The book goes on to consider a range of key international processes, discussing the monitoring and implementation of environmental agreements, the place of ideology in negotiations and the role of international organisations.

Foreign policy is an essential component of Egypt's general state policy. Together with its traditional diplomatic and political functions, and given that development policy is considered a key objective, the Egyptian Foreign Ministry participates in the country's development effort by trying to attract foreign investment, obtain economic assistance and facilitate technology transfers. Egyptian diplomacy also seeks to maintain strong bilateral and multilateral relationships, which is another essential goal of Egypt's general policy. Strengthening traditional friendly relations as well as building new relationships enables Egypt to exercise influence and pursue its national interest all over the globe.