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This paper aims to analyze religion's roles related to the political activities in the contemporary Middle East. Constructivism is a framework that offers the way to understand the phenomenon. Constructivism provides a place for the influence of non-material factors such as the value, identity, and purpose of actor behavior in politics. In this article, the author examines through two levels of analysis, ie state level and regional level. At the state level, Islamic political ideology grows in a modern state and often confronts democracy. The debate over the application of Islamic law, the involvement in elections, and the adaptation of Islamic justice principles and the principle of equality are the discourses that characterize political activity in the Middle East. At the regional level, Islam exerts impact in foreign policy in the region. The regional tensions between Sunni and Shiite groups, the resistance in the context of jihad, and the emergence of ISIS are part of the conflict that contributes to regional instability. These political behaviors shows that Islam is not a religion with a single interpretation.Keywords: Islam, Middle East, constructivism, modern states, foreign policy

This paper discusses the relationship in post-independence Malaysia between the state, civil society and the country's dominant religion, that is, Islam. When Malaya obtained independence from the British in 1957, many expected that Islam would lead to social and economic decline. The constitution states that Islam is the state religion, although it also states that religious freedom for non-Muslims is assured without discrimination. Since then, religious affairs have remained a state responsibility and Malaysia has been hailed for decades as an oasis of moderate Islam. However, during the last few years religiously motivated hatred has become prevalent and popular in Malaysia for many reasons. This paper underlines the factors that have led to the growth of hate and the decline of the moderate Islam previously found in Malaysia. It proposes that the radicalisation of Malaysian Muslims should be evaluated within the framework of current geopolitics and the impact on the well-being of the Muslim world, rather than localising it into regional and national faults. The paper argues that Islam in Malaysia is an instrument that shapes the political behaviour of the public and the ruling elite. Lastly, the paper proposes that effective governance and ensuring that citizens' rights are respected are some of the most effective ways of eliminating extremism and preventing radicalisation.

This research is a literature study that discusses and analyzes the relationship between religion and politics from the historical aspect, the development of religion in the political realm as well as the discourse between the two things. Philological analysis is used to determine the extent of the relationship between political theory and religious belief, in this case Islam. The results of the analysis illustrate that religion as the basis for political morals is no longer used as it should, but only becomes a tool to win power. In that context, the people of the State have presented themselves as an organized mass, and they are not aware that a structural crime (made in such a way) has happened to them, they are given little pleasure while others who win the power take more benefits from the State. they. Political violence has actually occurred wrapped in a certain ideology or religion, and its legitimacy has been very well tested, especially if the legitimacy is obtained through instruments under the political democratic system through general elections. General elections become a very significant relationship with the legitimacy of political power.

In the Balkans, the 1990s have been characterized by the emergence of the Muslim populations as autonomous political actors, as shown by the creation of ethnic parties and the formulation of nationalistic claims. This political awakening has been followed by a reshaping of the relationship between Islam ad national identity on the one hand, political actors and religious institutions on the other. The rare attempts at reislamizing the Balkan Muslim populations have not put their high level of secularization into question and, with the exception of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Islamist currents have remained at the margin of the events. ; Dans les Balkans, les années 1990 ont été caractérisées par l'émergence des populations musulmanes comme acteurs politiques autonomes, comme l'attestent la création de partis politiques à base ethnique et la formulation de revendications nationalistes. Ce réveil politique s'est accompagné d'une recomposition des rapports entre Islam et identité nationale d'une part, acteurs politiques et institutions religieuses d'autre part. Les quelques tentatives de réislamisation des populations musulmanes balkaniques n'ont pas remis en cause leur forte sécularisation et, sauf dans le cas bosniaque, les courants islamiques sont restés marginaux.

In the Balkans, the 1990s have been characterized by the emergence of the Muslim populations as autonomous political actors, as shown by the creation of ethnic parties and the formulation of nationalistic claims. This political awakening has been followed by a reshaping of the relationship between Islam ad national identity on the one hand, political actors and religious institutions on the other. The rare attempts at reislamizing the Balkan Muslim populations have not put their high level of secularization into question and, with the exception of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Islamist currents have remained at the margin of the events. ; Dans les Balkans, les années 1990 ont été caractérisées par l'émergence des populations musulmanes comme acteurs politiques autonomes, comme l'attestent la création de partis politiques à base ethnique et la formulation de revendications nationalistes. Ce réveil politique s'est accompagné d'une recomposition des rapports entre Islam et identité nationale d'une part, acteurs politiques et institutions religieuses d'autre part. Les quelques tentatives de réislamisation des populations musulmanes balkaniques n'ont pas remis en cause leur forte sécularisation et, sauf dans le cas bosniaque, les courants islamiques sont restés marginaux.

Despite the attempts made by radical Islamists to engulf the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia by promoting mandatory implementation of shari'a law and jihad, Indonesia has witnessed a new trend in the discourses, actions and movements that seek to push Islam into the center stage. The strategy of implementing the shari'a from below, promoting da'wa (Islamic proselytizing) and non-violent endeavors has been appealing and considered more appropriate to deal with the current situations. There is reason to believe that Indonesia today is in the throes of a post-Islamist path. A sort of synthesis between the call for Islam's importance for public life and democracy, post-Islamism has emerged to be an alternative to Islamist radicalism. Through its endeavour to fuse religiosity and rights, faith and freedom, as well as Islam and liberty, this post-Islamist alternative has enabled Muslims to express their religious beliefs and practices,without plunging into violence and joining a cycle of militancy.

Despite its adherence to the principles of democracy, Indonesia is currently trapped in conditions and situations over the emergence of a new government system based on Islam. The notion of extremism dominates society, both the general public and the political elite, and has even infiltrated the youth via the education system. Community mobilization movements in the name of religion in the political sphere indicate that extremism has spread and is gaining strength. The main focus of this research is to make a clearer distinction between radicalism and extremism from both a political and religious perspective. To answer this problem, this paper clarifies the meaning of the terms "extreme" and "radical" in the context of religious politics from the point of view of democracy and distinguishes the signs for the two dimensions of extremism and radicalism. Not only that, in this study there are also explanations related to religious phenomena which basically have an indirect relationship with politics and extremism. This study approach uses a qualitative method taken from the study of Borum and Schmid. It argues that the difference between extremism and radicalism rests on the existence of an ideology. Radicalism is a form of process in which there is agreement or disagreement on violence in tactical and temporal considerations, while the concept of extremism is considered a motive.

The Masyumi Party, which was active in Indonesia from 1945 to 1960, constitutes the boldest attempt to date at reconciling Islam and democracy. Masyumi proposed a vision of society and government which was not bound by a literalist application of Islamic doctrine but rather inspired by the values of Islam. It set out moderate policies which were tolerant towards other religious communities in Indonesia. Its achievements were nonetheless precarious: it was eventually outlawed in 1960. Many of its leaders then turned to integralism, a radical doctrine echoing certain characteristics of 19th-century Catholic integralism, which contributed to the advent of Muslim neo-fundamentalism in Indonesia. This book examines the Masyumi Party from its roots in early 20th-century Muslim reformism to its contemporary legacy.

Since the rise of Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) to power in 2002, the country has been at the forefront of events in the region and beyond, even more so in the wake of the 15 July 2016 failed coup attempt. The party's initial pro-EU, pro-democratic posture has given way to an illiberal authoritarianism since 2010, a process that has yet to reach its denouement. Tahir Abbas' worthy ambition in Contemporary Turkey in Conflict: Ethnicity, Islam and Politics is to chart the path of sociopolitical transformation Turkey has undergone over the last decade or so, by surveying some of the key ideas and actors shaping contemporary Turkish politics.

This study examines the roles of political elites in the Muhammadiyah in facingthe dynamics Muslim politics in post New Order regime. There are three issuesdiscussed: the emergence of Islamic political parties, the desire to implementthe Jakarta charter as a state ideology, and the rise of terrorism. The result ofthe study demonstrated that there are four variants of the political attitudes ofthe elites in Muhammadiyah in post-New Order regime: 1) transformative-ideal-istic; 2) moderate-idealistic, 3) realistic-critical, and 4) accommodative-prag-matic. The variations are deeply influenced by two main factors: the sociologicalbackground and organizational factor.Penelitian ini menguji peran elit politik dalam Muhammadiyah dalam menghadapidinamika politik Muslim pada era rezim pasca Orde Baru. Ada tiga isu yangdibahas: munculnya partai-partai politik Islam, keinginan untuk melaksanakanPiagam Jakarta sebagai ideologi negara, dan munculnya terorisme. Hasil penelitianmenunjukkan bahwa ada empat varian sikap politik para elite di Muhammadiyahpada era rezim pasca-Orde Baru: 1) transformatif-idealis; 2) moderat-idealis, 3) realistis-kritis, dan 4) akomodatif-pragmatis. Variasi ini sangat dipengaruhioleh dua faktor utama, yaitu latar belakang sosiologis dan faktor organisasi.

Discourse on Islam and politics during the 20th century is inseparable with related scholarly publications about Indonesia, taking time on that period. Reviewing "Indonesia", a journal issued by Southeast Asia Program Publications at Cornell University, this writing mainly aims to report the notion of how Islam and politics were being represented in the international scholarly works. Three categorizations of sub-themes are gained by evaluating two numbers of "Indonesia", they are (1) group and hierarchy, (2) perception and knowledge dynamics, and (3) public figure. The categorizations are used as a framework in analyzing how the notion of Islam and politics was internationally perceived through scholarly works issued during that period. The result shows that the impression of the notion of Islam and politics tends to be perceived as a power for promoting groups formation. The power distribution is another critical substance which can be derived from the group formation. The role of religion, to this extent, can easily be used as a legitimate source for any critical political decision. Societal segregation can be considered as a result of a certain kind of discrepancies in the realm of power distribution among several groups of people. In other words, the role of Islam is very critical in shaping the political expression of the people in Indonesia. Keywords:Islam and politics, Group and Hierarchy, Public Figure

Purpose: This article attempts to examine the point of the meeting by taking the case of Yogyakarta Palace as a point of discussion. Methodology: From the discussion about the process and the meaning of Islamization of Javanese culture and the indigenization of Islam, it can be seen that the core concept in the politics of Yogyakarta Palace, as a representation of Javanese Islamic politics, is Islam, because the Palace is a manifestation as well as a representative and subordinate of the divine power. Result: The use of the title of "Senopati ing Alaga Abdurrahman Sayyidin Panatagama Khalifatullah" by sultans in Yogyakarta is not without meaning. This title shows and proves the above assumptions. In the perspective of state politics, Yogyakarta does not separate between state and religion, between din (religion) and dawlah (state). The indigenization of Islam in the context of the Yogyakarta tradition has reached the harmonization of Islamic normatively and the historicity of human culture. Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: The meeting of two cultures often leads to two choices, elimination or acculturation. This also applied to the meeting between Islam and Javanese culture. One aspect that experienced a long process in the Islamization of Java was related to political and power issues.

Purpose: This article attempts to examine the point of the meeting by taking the case of Yogyakarta Palace as a point of discussion. Methodology: From the discussion about the process and the meaning of Islamization of Javanese culture and the indigenization of Islam, it can be seen that the core concept in the politics of Yogyakarta Palace, as a representation of Javanese Islamic politics, is Islam, because the Palace is a manifestation as well as a representative and subordinate of the divine power. Result: The use of the title of "Senopati ing Alaga Abdurrahman Sayyidin Panatagama Khalifatullah" by sultans in Yogyakarta is not without meaning. This title shows and proves the above assumptions. In the perspective of state politics, Yogyakarta does not separate between state and religion, between din (religion) and dawlah (state). The indigenization of Islam in the context of the Yogyakarta tradition has reached the harmonization of Islamic normatively and the historicity of human culture. Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: The meeting of two cultures often leads to two choices, elimination or acculturation. This also applied to the meeting between Islam and Javanese culture. One aspect that experienced a long process in the Islamization of Java was related to political and power issues.

This study explored the diversity of Muslim political attitudes by conducting a latent class analysis in the rarely investigated context of Indonesia—the largest Muslim country in the world. We surveyed a total of 1208 Indonesian Muslim participants from eight out of 33 Indonesian provinces. The latent class analysis revealed that there are six clusters of Muslim Individuals based on their political attitudes: Fundamentalist Muslim, Nationalist Muslim, Apolitical Muslim, Hijrah Muslim, Moderate Muslim, and Progressive Muslim. Moreover, we also found several meaningful differences in psychological correlates (right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and need for cognitive closure) across the six clusters. Taken together, this study sheds some light upon the diversity of Muslim political attitudes and the psychological tendencies that correspond with such attitudes. ; reviewed ; acceptedVersion

Problems arising from the relationship between Islam (dîn) and politics (siyâsah) became the polemics among Muslim political thinkers that have not been completely solved up until now. Hence, it is difficult to identify which countriy such as Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Algeria, and Indonesia, that deserves to be a representation of an Islamic state. The consequence of different understandings about the relationship between Islam and politics – in the case in Indonesia- is the emergence of Indonesian Islamic State (NII). This movement attracted a number of responses from Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. Using a sociohistorical-politics approach in discussing these responses as they do not agree about the establishment of the NII, will lead to an understanding of coercion and oppression of understanding group that is different from other groups. ; Problems arising from the relationship between Islam (dîn) and politics (siyâsah) became the polemics among Muslim political thinkers that have not been completely solved up until now. Hence, it is difficult to identify which countriy such as Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Algeria, and Indonesia, that deserves to be a representation of an Islamic state. The consequence of different understandings about the relationship between Islam and politics – in the case in Indonesia- is the emergence of Indonesian Islamic State (NII). This movement attracted a number of responses from Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. Using a sociohistorical-politics approach in discussing these responses as they do not agree about the establishment of the NII, will lead to an understanding of coercion and oppression of understanding group that is different from other groups.