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This work looks at the Islamic character of the Acehnese state in the 17th century. It examines not only its Islamic institutions but also its political culture and policies towards Islam. It includes a comparison of Aceh with other Islamic states in the region, especially Melaka and Mataram.

Islam and the state in Indonesia -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Acknowledgements -- 1. Introduction: The Problem of Political Relationship between Islam and the State -- 2. Explaining the Uneasy Relationship: Political Antagonism between Islam and the State in Indonesia -- 3. Emergence of the New Islamic Intellectualism: Three Schools of Thought -- 4. Implications of the New Islamic Intellectualism: Ideas and Practices -- 5. Beyond Parties and Parliament: Reassessing the Political Approach of Islam -- 6. Reducing Hostility: The Accommodative Responses of the State -- 7. Conclusion: Towards an Integrated Political Relationship between Islam and the State -- 8. Political Islam in Post-Soeharto Indonesia: A Postscript -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author.

Islam and the secular state in Indonesia -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- 1. Islamic Ideology and Utopias -- 2. Muslim Responses to Political Change -- 3. Model 1: Islamic Democratic State -- 4. Model 2: Religious Democratic State -- 5. Model 3: Liberal Democratic State -- 6. Continuity and Discontinuity of the Models -- 7. Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author.

Examining the theoretical problems which arose when the modern European ideology of nationalism was adopted by Muslim societies organized into formally modern states, this book also deals with the practical difficulties arising from the doctrinal incompatibility between Islam and the non-Muslim concept of the territorial nation-state. It illustrates this conflict with a consideration of the record of several states in the Islamic world. It suggests that whereas the state, an organization of power, has been a most durable institution in Islamic history, the legitimacy of the nation-state has always been challenged in favour of the wide Islamic Nation, the "umma", which comprises all the faithful without reference to territorial boundaries. To this extent too, the more recent conception of Arab nationalism projects a far larger nation-state than the existing territorial states in the Arab world today. Description from http://www.amazon.co.uk (Dec. 21, 2011)

"This volume offers a unique approach to the study of Ibn Taymiyyah, by offering an English translation of his fundamental political work, The Office of Islamic Government, and shorter collections from The Collected Fatwas and The Prophetic Way Against the Theology of the Shiites and Qadarites. The volume not only sheds light on fundamental primary source works, but also offers a theoretical analysis of Ibn Taymiyyah's thought and how his legal viewpoint can be reconciled with current trends in Islamic political thought"--

Introduction -- 1. De-regionalization of the Regional Order -- 2. The Erosion of State Power -- 3. Political Islam: Reactive and/or Proactive? The Case of the Islamic State -- 4. The (Re)-establishment of the Caliphate -- 5. The Narrative of the Islamic State -- 6. The State Fights Back -- 7. Political Islam on the Run -- Conclusion -- Select Bibliography -- Notes.

'Ist die Türkei wirklich ein 'islamischer Großstaat', der seinem Wesen nach keinen Platz in der Europäischen Union hat? Dominiert 'der Islam' Politik und Gesellschaft der Türkei in einer Art und Weise, dass diese einfach nicht 'europäisch' werden können? In der Studie wird, ausgehend von der historischen Entwicklung, das aktuelle Verhältnis von Staat und Islam in der Türkei untersucht. Unter Zurückweisung eines unveränderlichen Wesens 'des Islam' und seines Verhältnisses zur Politik wird in einer historisch-strukturellen Analyse gezeigt, wie die islamische Religion nach europäischen Vorbildern in den Dienst der türkischen Staatsraison und des Aufbaus einer republikanischen Nation (nation building) gestellt wird. Der so entstandene türkische Laizismus ist gekennzeichnet durch eine strikte staatliche Kontrolle des öffentlichen religiösen Lebens, einschließlich einer von einer staatliche Einrichtung verfügten 'korrekten' Interpretation der Religionsinhalte, und dadurch, dass jegliche Form von 'freier' Religionsausübung als existentielle Bedrohung für die Republik wahrgenommen wird. Erst unter der AKP-Regierung von Ministerpräsident Recep Tayyip Erdogan beginnt sich das offizielle Religionsverständnis zu wandeln: Laizismus wird im europäischen Sinn als echte Trennung von Staat und Islam gesehen; Islam wird zwar als eine mögliche ethische Grundlage, nicht aber als Handlungsanleitung für Politik verstanden und ein pluralistisches Verständnis von Religionsfreiheit beginnt zu keimen. So gesehen ist zwar die aktuelle Situation von Staat und Islam immer noch durch ein in den meisten EU-Ländern bereits weitgehend überwundenes Verhältnis gekennzeichnet, aber im Prozess ihrer Säkularisierung ist die Türkei 'verspätetes Europa' und nicht 'aktueller Orient'.' (Autorenreferat)

Many countries in the Arab world have incorporated Islam into their state- and nation-building projects, naming it the 'religion of the state'. Regulating Islam offers an empirically rich account of how and why two contemporary Arab states, Morocco and Tunisia, have sought to regulate religious institutions and discourse. Drawing on a range of previously unexamined sources, Sarah J. Feuer traces and analyzes the efforts of Moroccan and Tunisian policymakers to regulate Islamic education as part of the respective regimes' broader survival strategies since their independence from French rule in 1956. Out of the comparative case study emerges a compelling theory to account for the complexities of religion-state dynamics across the Arab world today, highlighting the combined effect of ideological, political, and institutional factors on religious regulation in North Africa and the Middle East. The book makes an important and timely contribution to the on-going scholarly and policy debates concerning religion, politics, and authoritarian governance in the post-uprisings Arab landscape

Wael B. Hallaq boldly argues that the "Islamic state," judged by any standard definition of what the modern state represents, is both impossible and inherently self-contradictory. Comparing the legal, political, moral, and constitutional histories of premodern Islam and Euro-America, he finds the adoption and the practices of the modern state to be highly problematic for modern Muslims. By Islamic standards, the state's technologies of the self are severely lacking in moral substance, and today's Islamic state, as Hallaq shows, has done little to advance an acceptable form of genuine Shari'a governance. The Islamists' constitutional battles in Egypt and Pakistan, the Islamic legal and political failures of the Iranian Revolution, and other similar disappointments underscore this fact. Hallaq then turns to the rich moral resources of Islamic history to prove that political and other "crises of Islam" are integral to the modern condition of both the East and the West, and by acknowledging these parallels, Muslims can engage more productively with their Western counterparts. -- book cover

For decades after the declaration of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, the Turkish state promoted the idea of a desired citizen. The Kemalist state treated these citizens as superior, with full rights; but the 'others', those outside this desired citizenship, were either tolerated or considered undesirable citizens. And this caused the marginalization of ethnic and religious minorities, religious Muslims and leftists alike. In this book, Ihsan Yilmaz shows how historical traumas, victimhood, insecurities, anxieties, fears and siege mentality have negatively impacted on and radicalised the nation-building projects of the two competing hegemonic ideologies/regimes (those of Ataturk and Erdogan) and their treatment of majority and minority ethnic, religious and political groups. Yilmaz reveals the significant degree of overlap between the desired, undesired citizen and tolerated citizen categories of these two regimes, showing how both regimes aimed to create a perception of a homogenous Turkish nation.