Suchergebnisse

Indonesia is a diverse country, if not one of the most diverse ones in the world. Due to its geographical fact as the largest archipelago in the world, Indonesia's territory has been inhabited by not less than 1340 different tribes who speak more than 600 local/traditional languages since ancient times. It is also the territory where there were some prominent Hindu-Buddhist ancient kingdoms, such as Srivijaya and Majapahit, in which their existence determined the civilization existing in South East Asia today. Once Islam came into this archipelago, it then quickly became the dominant religion, and this then makes Indonesia the biggest Muslim country in the world without changing its status as a place for people from various religions to live and co-exist with each other. Those all shape the existence of Indonesia today. The world's biggest Muslim country with its inherent diversities that have been existing since long before the establishment of this country. However, such a fact of diversities, especially in the matter of religious life, has been under threat. There have been many cases where the religious minority groups encountered marginalization, discrimination, or even persecutions, in which it happened in the relationship with the Muslims as the dominant religious group. Resistances against the establishments of churches or other worship places of the non-Muslims that is more and more frequent happening in various places in Indonesia, or resistance against non-Muslims to be the governmental leaders, such as what happened during the moment of the provincial election in Jakarta in 2017, are examples of how some Muslims in Indonesia are getting intolerant towards their fellow citizens from different religions. Even worse, such an emerging tendency of intolerance didn't only happen towards non-Muslims, but also towards the minority groups within the Muslims too. The persecution against the members of the Ahmadiyya sect in the village of Cikeusik, province of Banten, in 2011, as well as the one against the Shiites in the town of Sampang, province of East Java, in 2012, which resulted in the deaths of some Ahmadiyya members and the displacement of the whole Shiite community in Sampang, obviously highlighted the condition of how such diseases of intolerance and hatred have been significantly growing among some Muslims in Indonesia towards those who differ. Surely, the problem is not with Islam per se, but instead with how Islam is interpreted, practiced, and used by some people in Indonesia. As such, I argue that this problem derives from the so-called Islamic fundamentalism. It is from this context, the research through this Ph.D. thesis is carried out. Through this research, I investigated how Islamic fundamentalism has been developing in Indonesia since the beginning through historical analysis (Chapter III). From such an investigation, I then investigated and analyzed further the existing legal frameworks in Indonesia regarding how these all have failed in properly dealing with the paradigm of Islamic fundamentalism (Chapter V). Surely, all those works are done after I conducted the necessary elaboration and clarification regarding the concept of Islamic fundamentalism (Chapter II). And since pluralism is the core value embraced in this research that needs to be protected from the threat of Islamic fundamentalism, I also made theoretical elaborations on some principles and approaches under the umbrella of the politics of recognition of difference to protect and advance diversities (Chapter IV). I close this Ph.D. thesis with a chapter (Chapter VI) where I proposed what I argue as the best legal framework possible to combat Islamic fundamentalism as well as to advance diversities in Indonesia as a Muslim majority country. There, I argued that some key principles developed in the Western world are indeed necessary to serve as the fundamental basis for such a legal framework.

The first part of this new millennium presents us a political and economic context inwhich the so-called globalized society is rising from the ranks setting as its first foundationthe constitution of planetary citizenship, considered the first principle for the affirmationof human rights and of civil co-habitation, in order to realise pacification, solidarityand equality among peoples. Unfortunately this rising "Global Village" is still continuouslytormented by so many conflicts, destructiveness, inequalities and injustices.Among peoples a climate of generalised violence and creeping terror prevails, causingin the "citizens" of the planet bewilderment, distrust, insecurity and anxiety. Therefore,the planetary citizenship is continually threatened by a strong competitiveness and individualismmaking human beings threatening and threatened, it follows that many layersof the world population do not feel ensured their fundamental rights. In such a direction,the educational action can represent the keystone that works as a critical forceof emancipation of consciences and avoids the flattening on ideological positions thatundermine at the base the ongoing process of promotion of civil co-habitation, safeguardof human rights and the constitution of a planetary citizenship as guarantee ofglobal peace and fundamental rights of the human being. ; La prima parte di questo inizio millennio ci presenta un panorama politico ed economicodove si fa strada la cosiddetta società globalizzata che pone come suo primo fondamentola costituzione della cittadinanza planetaria, considerata principio primo per l'affermazionedei diritti umani e della convivenza civile, al fine di realizzare la pacificazione,la solidarietà e l'uguaglianza tra i popoli. Purtroppo questo nascente "VillaggioGlobale" è ancora continuamente travagliato da tanti conflitti, distruttività, disuguaglianzee ingiustizie. Aleggia tra i popoli un clima di violenza generalizzata e un terrorestrisciante, causando nei "cittadini" del pianeta smarrimento, diffidenza, ...

Parlare del fallimento delle primavere arabe come di una sconfitta, che ha favorito, da un lato, la restaurazione di regimi autoritari e, dall'altro, il rafforzamento dei movimenti fondamentalisti, è riduttivo. L'articolo si propone di mostrare come i movimenti collettivi, che hanno animato le proteste nelle maggiori piazze delle capitali di molti Paesi arabi, hanno interpretato il bisogno di cambiamento politico ed economico che da troppi anni è stato ignorato o represso dai regimi al potere. Tali movimenti sono l'espressione di un contro-movimento politico alternativo a quanti, in questi anni, inneggiando all'islam, hanno teorizzato e messo in pratica la lotta armata rivoluzionaria. La differenza fra questi due tipi di movimenti collettivi sta nella diversa posta in gioco che essi pongono al centro della loro azione. Per i movimenti di rivolta, la battaglia politica è per l'avvento della democrazia, per i movimenti fondamentalisti è, invece, in buona sostanza, la costituzione di un ferreo regime della verità religiosa, ancor più autoritario dei regimi politico-militari che si sono ripresi il potere dopo il 2012. ; To affirm the failure of the Arab Spring as a defeat, which favored, on the one hand, the restoration of authoritarian regimes and, on the other, the strengthening of fundamentalist movements, is an understatement. The article aims to show how the collective movements, which animated the protests in the main squares of the capitals of many Arab countries, interpreted the need for political and economic changes that were ignored or repressed by the regimes in power for many years. These movements are the expression of an alternative political countermovement to those that, in recent years, when praising Islam, have theorized and put into practice the revolutionary armed struggle. The difference between these two types of collective movements is present in the different issues at stake that they put at the center of their action. For the revolt movements, the political battle is for the advent of democracy. For fundamentalist movements this means, however, in essence, the constitution of a strong regime of religious truth, even more authoritarian than the political-military regimes that took back power after 2012.