Suchergebnisse

Addresses the question of whether Islamic fundamentalism poses a terrorist threat to the US or inherently promotes terrorism. The ideology of Islamic fundamentalism is seen to be based on the argument that Westernization & modernization have failed, & the state, not the people, must govern. The lasting influence of the Ayatollah Khomeini & the Iranian Revolution, seen as minimized by the Western media, is discussed. It is argued that, because of its prominence & leadership, the US will inevitably incur hatred, particularly from armed prophets & extremists who view it as the custodian of Western values. The role of Western & Islamic misperceptions of each other as homogeneous cultures in engendering this hatred & hampering security measures is assessed. It is concluded that, before considering appropriate counterterrorist responses, the US must reevaluate its political commitments & alliances in terms of how they make the nation a target. T. Arnold

Assesses the nature of & threat posed by militant Islamic fundamentalist groups operating in the US. Drawing on 1995/96 events, the infrastructure of & interaction between these organizations are described. It is argued that these groups have portrayed themselves as human rights activists, an image adopted by an ill-informed US media, & have used the US as a safe haven to conduct activities forbidden in their homelands. This is seen in the growth of Hamas, the activities of the Muslim Arab Youth Assoc & Islamic Assoc for Palestine, & high profiles of the Council on American Islamic Relation & the American Muslim Council. It is shown how these groups are driven by conflicting needs to maintain this safe haven to prepare jihads, even against the US. It is concluded that when fundamentalists can no longer control their rage, terrorism will likely occur in the US. T. Arnold

Compares two Islamic revivalist movements in South Asia, the Jamaat-i-Islami & the Tablighi Jamaat, with different strategies for Islamic revival. The emergence, growth, ideologies, & organization of each group & their bases of support are described. The highly organized, hierarchical Jamaat-i-Islami has more political goals, ie, establishing an Islamist state, while the apolitical Tablighi Jamaat seeks to reform & uplift the individual. The Jamaat-i-Islami is seen as a neofundamentalist movement with complementary political-ideological & cultural-religious elements & little electoral success. The Tablighi Jamaat is presented as a truly international Islamic movement that has mobilized large numbers of Muslims & better connected them to Islamic religious institutions & orthodox teachings. The impact of their contrasting positions on social, cultural, economic, & political issues faced by Muslims in South Asia is assessed. It is concluded that both movements have attempted to deal with the modern world by selecting pieces of the past to strengthen current Islam. 3 Tables, Bibliog. T. Arnold

Examines Islamic fundamentalism in Sunni Arab countries, in particular, Egypt, focusing on its complexity, which contrasts the violence of militants & growth of Islamic institutions. A historical overview of Islamic nations & societies emphasizes continuities between Islamic reformers in the 18th & 19th centuries with current revivalists, which reflect interactions & reactions to complex social, political, & cultural conditions. Egypt's challenge to gain & maintain an independent Arab state is analyzed. The origins & teachings of Islamic revivalist groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood are compared to those of Gamel Abdel Nasser & Arab socialism. The changing relationship between such groups & the secular governments of Nasser, Anwar Sadat, & Muhammad Hosni Mubarak is described, highlighting the increasing impact of these groups on Egyptian society. Efforts at government suppression are contrasted with the resurgence of Sunni fundamentalism in Sudan, which adopted a gradualist approach, working cooperatively with revivalists to implement Islamic law. It is concluded that, while the strategies & programs of Islamizing states differ, they draw on common traditions, themes, & goals & represent the dynamic nature of modern Islam. Bibliog. T. Arnold

Discusses Pakistan's engagement in the Kashmir insurgency, & the history of nonindigenous Islamist involvement in the ongoing Kashmir dispute even as popular, homegrown support in the province has weakened. K. Coddon

Argues that the progress of Iran's working-class movement is directly connected to the movement for democracy & social change. The failure of workers to achieve their goals results from repression by successive 20th-century governments, weaknesses within the working class itself, & the nature of Iran's capitalist development/industrialization. Although removing political obstacles is the main task facing trade unions/labor organizations, this cannot be accomplished without gaining other democratic advances, especially the freedom of expression & association needed for the Left intelligentsia & the worker's movement to communicate effectively with each other & develop political links. The evolution of the working-class movement in Iran is traced from formation of the first Social Democratic Party in 1903. The configuration of today's working population is described, along with the Left's historical support of the working class's struggle for change, & control mechanisms used by the Islamic government. Future prospects for increased citizen engagement in political processes & the working class's ability to represent its interests are discussed. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix. J. Lindroth

Argues that the progress of Iran's working-class movement is directly connected to the movement for democracy & social change. The failure of workers to achieve their goals results from repression by successive 20th-century governments, weaknesses within the working class itself, & the nature of Iran's capitalist development/industrialization. Although removing political obstacles is the main task facing trade unions/labor organizations, this cannot be accomplished without gaining other democratic advances, especially the freedom of expression & association needed for the Left intelligentsia & the worker's movement to communicate effectively with each other & develop political links. The evolution of the working-class movement in Iran is traced from formation of the first Social Democratic Party in 1903. The configuration of today's working population is described, along with the Left's historical support of the working class's struggle for change, & control mechanisms used by the Islamic government. Future prospects for increased citizen engagement in political processes & the working class's ability to represent its interests are discussed. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix. J. Lindroth