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THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES THE NOTION OF FUNDAMENTALISM, AND ANCHORS IT IN THE CONCEPTS OF EXTREMISM, RADICALISM AND SCRIPTURALISM. IT ARGUES THAT IT IS POSSIBLE TO STUDY THE PHENOMENON OF FUNDAMENTALISM WITHIN THE PARADIGMS OF RATIONALISM THAT PREVAIL IN MODERN SOCIAL SCIENCE. FURTHERMORE, WHILE ALL FUNDAMENTALIST MOVEMENTS SHARE CERTAIN CHARACTERISTICS, ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM DIFFERS FORM OTHER FUNDAMENTALIST MOVEMENTS IN MANY SUBSTANTIAL WAYS, INCLUDING POLITICAL SPACE, THE ABILITY TO PENETRATE INTER-STATE BOUNDARIES, ISLAM AS A PROTEST MOVEMENT, THE TOTAL ADHERENCE OF BELIEVERS TO A SET OF BEHAVIORAL TENETS, THE DIFFICULTY OF SEPARATING STATE FROM RELIGION, A STRONG ORIENTATION TO THINGS COLLECTIVE, ISLAMIC LEGITIMACY OF STATES, THE COMMANDMENT OF "JIHAD" AND THE IMMEDIACY OF FAITH IN THE LIFE OF BELIEVERS. IN THE LIGHT OF ALL THIS, ISLAMIC COUNTRIES TEND TO BE RATHER VULNERABLE TO WAVE OF FUNDAMENTALISM, WHICH, HOWEVER, EBB AND FLOW IN RESPONSE TO CONCRETE SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN THE RELEVANT COUNTRIES.

ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM IS A DEFENSIVE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL MOVEMENT, A REACTION TO WESTERNIZATION AND MODERNIZATION. THIS ARTICLE SUGGESTS THAT THE UNITED STATES IS NOT OFFERING MUSLIMS A LONG-RANGE VISION OF THE FUTURE, NOR ARE THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE ISLAMIC WORLD ANY MORE FORTHCOMING IN THIS RESPECT. IT EXPLORES THE WEST AND ISLAM--FROM RIVALRY TO REVIVAL, THE NEED FOR DIALOGUE BETWEEN THE WEST AND ISLAM, AND THE PARADOX OF POLITICS AND DEVELOPMENT IN ISLAM. IT CONCLUDES THAT THE CHALLENGE FOR MUSLIMS IS HOW TO DEVELOP THE ISLAMIC WORLD THROUGH ITS OWN TRADIIONS, NOT THROUGH WESTERN SECULAR IDEOLOGIES.

Fundamentalism, although many associate it with Islam, in reality this concept is a global phenomenon. So that it can happen to every other religion and civilization. Then why is it associated with Islam? In fact, whenever there is violence that threatens the stability of security, the assumption is that the subject is the Islamic movement. This is because some people perceive Islam as a religion with Islamic fundamentalism as a political ideology. Huttington, for example, in his writing Clash civilization, is seen by Tibi as having ignored the crucial difference between Islam as a religion and fundamentalism as political Islam. It must be admitted that there are distortions in understanding the verses of the Al-Qur'an as well as the political orientation and violence which are the main characteristics of almost all movements known as Islamic fundamentalism, causing them to sometimes be trapped in violence. But making generalizations that violence or terrorism is always synonymous with Islamic fundamentalism is a simplistic and unwise conclusion. Violent fundamentalism can also occur in other religions such as the Serbian orthodox, and Hindu fundamentalism which wants to realize India as Hindustan. To avoid prolonged conflict, it is time to revive peace by improving the political, economic and social conditions that triggered the emergence of Islamic fundamentalism rather than taking violent action against them. The time to revive peace is not through jihad or military force as revenge. ; Fundamentalisme, meski banyak yang mengaitkan dengan Islam namun pada realitasnya konsep tersebut merupakan fenomena global. Hingga bisa saja dapat terjadi pada setiap agama dan peradaban lain. Lalu mengapa dikaitkan dengan Islam? Bahkan pada setiap terjadi kekerasan yang mengancam stabilitas keamanan muncul anggapan bahwa subjeknya adalah gerakan Islam. Hal ini dikarenakan sebagian orang menganggap sama antara Islam sebagai agama dengan fundamentalisme Islam sebagai idiologi politik. Huttington misalnya dalam tulisannya Clash civillization dipandang Tibi telah mengabaikan perbedaan yang krusial antara Islam sebagai agama dengan fundamentalisme sebagai Islam politik. Harus diakui adanya distorsi dalam memahami ayat-ayat Al-Qur'an juga orientasi politik dan kekerasan yang menjadi ciri pokok dari hampir keseluruhan gerakan yang disebut sebagai fundamentalisme Islam, menyebabkan mereka terkadang terjebak melakukan kekerasan. Tetapi membuat generalisasi bahwa kekerasan atau terorisme selalu identik dengan fundamentalisme Islam adalah kesimpulan yang simplisit dan kurang bijaksana. Kekerasan fundamentalisme dapat juga terjadi pada agama yang lain seperti ortodox Serbia, dan fundamentalisme Hindu yang ingin mewujudkan India sebagai Hindustan. Untuk menghindari konflik berkepanjangan saatnya menghidupkan kembali perdamaian dengan lebih memperbaiki kondisi politik, ekonomi, dan sosial yang menjadi pemicu munculnya fundamentalisme Islam ketimbang mengambil tidakan kekerasan terhadap mereka. Saatnya menghidupkan perdamaian bukan lewat jihad atau kekuatan militer sebagai balas dendam.

Islamic fundamentalist movements are inherently anti-system social movements. An anti-system social movement is designed to criticize governmental institutions and the political mainstream while mobilizing disaffected individuals against the existing sociopolitical and socioeconomic institutions. What is lacking in the mindset of many Western politicians, practitioners, the media, and the general public is a basic understanding of Islamic fundamentalism; specifically, the causes. This is the first quantitative analysis of potential causes of Islamic fundamentalism. I have created a unique data set that contains every Islamic fundamentalist group that is or has been in operation from 1970 through 2008. This fundamentalist data set has a total number of 16,072 fundamentalist movements. I will utilize the negative binomial fixed effects regression model and a comparison of each independent variable's effect on the number of fundamentalist movements by looking at each independent variable's minimum, mean, and maximum score.

International audience ; This article attempts to explain why and how the Indian state has been successful in managing the militant form of Islamic fundamentalism in India, despite favourable internal and external conditions for such militancy. Internally, it includes such factors as the relative material and cultural deprivation of Indian Muslims, the context of Hindutava and the communal riots, and externally, the Islamic radical movements abroad. Varied literatures have emphasized these factors for the growth of Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic militancy across the Muslim world. However, India has not witnessed large-scale Islamic militancy, despite the growth in Islamic fundamentalist organizations. The article offers a theoretical perspective that takes into consideration the interplay of the nation-building process, the constitutional framework of minority rights, the doctrine of Indian secularism, and the democratic political process. This interplay explains the absence of large-scale militancy and violence, either on the part of Islamic fundamentalist groups/institutions or the Muslim population in India.

This article attempts to explain why and how the Indian state has been successful in managing the militant form of Islamic fundamentalism in India, despite favourable internal and external conditions for such militancy. Internally, it includes such factors as the relative material and cultural deprivation of Indian Muslims, the context of Hindutava and the communal riots, and externally, the Islamic radical movements abroad. Varied literatures have emphasized these factors for the growth of Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic militancy across the Muslim world. However, India has not witnessed large-scale Islamic militancy, despite the growth in Islamic fundamentalist organizations. The article offers a theoretical perspective that takes into consideration the interplay of the nation-building process, the constitutional framework of minority rights, the doctrine of Indian secularism, and the democratic political process. This interplay explains the absence of large-scale militancy and violence, either on the part of Islamic fundamentalist groups/institutions or the Muslim population in India.

Islamic fundamentalism has either declined or stagnated since the mid-1980s. This is evident in the declining electoral strength of many fundamentalist political parties; in the ability of the authoritarian nationalist regimes to suppress the fundamentalist challengers; in the declining popularity of the Islamic regime in Iran; in the continuing rise of modernity in the Islamic world; and, in the attitude surveys of Muslim students. The decline of Islamic fundamentalism is related to three factors: first, fundamentalism offers a peculiar conception of Islam which is not shared by most Muslims; second, fundamentalism's rejection of certain elements of modernity is quite unpopular; and, third, as a socio-political alternative, fundamentalism is both incomplete and incoherent.

Since 9/11 the world has regarded Pakistan and Afghanistan as the epicentre of Islamic fundamentalism. Many of the early observations dealt with the tremendous challenge that terrorism and religious-militant extremism would pose for peace and stability from a geopolitical perspective. Realising the increasingly complex scenarios as well as the causalities and impacts, analyses on the phenomenon under discussion were slowly but persistently broadening. In order to be able to address not only the militant, but also the socio-economic and political dimensions of Islamic fundamentalism - the networks and ideological foundations of internationally acting fundamentalist groups have increasingly caught the attention of observers worldwide. (.)