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A fascinating and richly layered account of how and why the great divide in Islam--between Sunnis and Shi'is--occurred. Charting the history of Islam from the death of the Prophet Mohammed to the present day, McHugo describes the conflicts that raged over the succession to the Prophet, how Sunnism and Shi'ism evolved as different and contending sects during the Abbasid caliphate, and how the rivalry between the empires of the Sunni Ottomans and Shi' Sfavids ensured that the split would continue into the modern age. Today the full, destructive force of this historical conflict for the soul of the Muslim world is expressed by the struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran--with no end in sight. Definitive, insightful, and accessible, A Concise History of Sunnis and Shi'is is an essential guide to understanding the genesis, development, and manipulation of the schism that has come to define Islam and the Muslim world. Includes five black & white maps, a glossary, and a list of sources and further reading

List of tables -- List of abbreviations -- Preface -- Introduction -- 1. This is no peace: a historical perspective -- 2. Jihadi terrorism -- 3. Causes of terrorism -- 4. Radical jihadi movements -- 5. Salafi jihadism (Daesh) and stealth jihadism -- Epilogue -- Appendix 1. Glossary -- Appendix 2. Islamic sects -- Bibliography -- Notes -- Index -- About the author

Many writers have associated contemporary manifestations of extremism with early Islamic sects, which is argued against in this article. The study employs critical analysis of available sources and argues for additional scrutiny. Our position is supported by detailed scrutiny of early sectarian contributions to the development of Islamic thought. We discovered remarkable limitations in the tracing of the roots to the early firaq (sects) due to a strong reliance on secondary sources muddled in the complexities of dogmatic polemics. Nonetheless, relevant historiography improved our view of what actually happened when nascent Muslims confronted humorless political and social problems. Rather than producing extremist deviants, early Islamic thought was exceedingly dynamic and governed by a pressing need to defend sound Islamic principles. Early Muslims sought answers to perennial issues and did much to stimulate subsequent Muslim philosophy and thought. Indeed, any negative understanding of this early legacy undermines the dignity of that era and people.

Muslim communities in Lebanon have developed radically new institutions of religious leadership since the advent of the confessional state. These leaderships were created or refined over the course of Lebanon's first five decades (1920s–1970s), often building on pre-existing institutional norms but shaped by common patterns of integration into a state-centric system of confessional representation. Such institutions have played a key role in representing and reinforcing the sectarianisation of Islam in the country. On the other hand, their proximity to the state has made them prominent advocates of peaceful coexistence and political participation. This paper shows (1) how three Islamic religious leaderships have become institutional expressions of a distinctive Lebanese sectarianism, and (2) how they have in the process become defenders of the nation-state. Focusing on the Sunni office of mufti, this leadership is surveyed alongside its Shi'i and Druze counterparts to highlight their convergence on a single institutional model. These developments began in response to a French colonial demand for interlocutors with religious communities, and gained urgency as these interlocutors negotiated communal autonomy in religious aff airs. The project of communal self-governance – which included jurisdiction over personal status law – called for centralized religious institutions that could manage nationwide bureaucracies. Thus a Sunni mufti, Shi'i sheikh, and Druze sheikh al-'aql were each elevated to leadership of new religious hierarchies. While competition among these three leaderships played a part in their development, this paper uses the history of the 1975–90 civil war to show how their common enculturation into the life of the state has generated a strong centripetal tendency in their political behavior.

Nigeria was in the news in February when seven French nationals, including four children, were kidnapped by the Islamic sect Boko Haram. While there has been speculation that the Boko Haram group could join forces ith the international jihadist movement in Mali or Somalia, what is really worrying is that the group is gaining ground in a country which is already experiencing major religious tensions and which is home to the biggest Muslim population in Africa. Furthermore, large numbers of weapons have flooded into the Sahel since the war in Libya, sparking fears of attacks against the United States' allies in the region, especially the Nigerian government of President Goodluck Jonathan. In other words, the emergence of Islamic terrorism is threatening the future of the 'giant' of Africa. Adapted from the source document.

The study enquires into the state of Islam and Islamic law in Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and in People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY). After a brief historical introduction and description of the general characteristics of YAR and PDRY, the author discusses Zaydism and Shafiism (Islamic sects), Arab personality and Islam, Islamic law, personal law etc. in these two countries. Women in Yemeni society. Enrolment of girls at schools in YAR. Political mobilization of women in PDRY through the Yemeni Socialist Party. (DÜI-Sen)

One of the significant conditions of the progress of a democratic society is the clash of ideas for surveying them from different aspects, which is the result of a free space, and is called as criticism. Since beside the western democratic countries, there are a few countries within the Islamic world, especially in the Middle East such as Iran, who, having Islam, try to perform democracy as well, it is necessary for them to know the method of establishing the culture of criticism as one of its basic principles. This article is to speak about the essence, necessities, and conditions of criticism. The direct relation between the durability of the governments and the peoples' right to criticize the governments' functions is another issue that is discussed in this article. Applying the theoretical and Islamic sources proves that both Shi'ite and Sunni sects can potentially support governmental criticism. The referencing style of this research is based on the Chicago style.

To some, Islamic fundamentalism means the restoration of a true religion. To others, it is a politics that stands apart from capitalism and socialism. To many Westerners, it has come to constitute a threat to established order and international security. 'Holy Wars' comprises a non-partisan narrative that takes account of both the socio-cultural values expressed in fundamentalism, and its political consequences. Dilip Hiro's starting point is that fundamentalist forces have been active within Islam since the death of the Prophet Muhammad. He presents the two major sects, Sunnis and Shias, in this light.

Alevilik is the second largest religious movement in Turkey after Sunnite Islam. The Alevi worship Ali and the twelve Imams of his family. Ali is more or less deified and therefore Alevis are considered as being ghulat ('exaggerated', 'extremist') and heterodox. The elevated Ali personifies an aspiration to justice and righteousness. He fought on the side of the weak and oppressed against those with power in society. Theologically, Ali is assumed to be blessed by the divine light and is therefore able to see into the mysterious spirituality of Islam. Many Alevis today however totally dissociate themselves from Shi'ism. Still, the degrading­ abel kızılbaş ('red-head') is associated with Ali and thus is something alleged to be anti-Osman, since Isma'il fought against the Osman Empire. The colour red represents the blood of Mohammed: he was wounded in battle and Ali saw the prophet's blood flowing. As Ali grew older, he wanted to remind people of Mohammed's struggle and therefore started wearing red headgear. Red thus became the colour of the Shi'ites and over time a symbol of Shi'ite martyrdom. Later red also gained political significance for the Alevis. The religious and the political are closely intertwined, but despite this, neither the Left nor Shi'ism does simply stand on one side and the Right/Sunni on the other – there are no such simple dichotomies in reality.

Early modern Protestant scholars closely engaged with Islamic thought in more ways than is usually recognized. Among Protestants, Lutheran scholars distinguished themselves as the most invested in the study of Islam and Muslim culture. Mehmet Karabela brings the neglected voices of post-Reformation theologians, primarily German Lutherans, into focus and reveals their rigorous engagement with Islamic thought. Inspired by a global history approach to religious thought, Islamic Thought Through Protestant Eyes offers new sources to broaden the conventional interpretation of the Reformation beyond a solely European Christian phenomenon. Based on previously unstudied dissertations, disputations, and academic works written in Latin in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Karabela analyzes three themes: Islam as theology and religion; Islamic philosophy and liberal arts; and Muslim sects (Sunni and Shi'a). This book provides analyses and translations of the Latin texts as well as brief biographies of the authors. These texts offer insight into the Protestant perception of Islamic thought for scholars of religious studies and Islamic studies as well as for general readers. Examining the influence of Islamic thought on the construction of the Protestant identity after the Reformation helps us to understand the role of Islam in the evolution of Christianity.

This research has been done on the conditions of sale, which are mentioned in the Islamic jurisprudence for the sale, so that the sale is confirmed and forbidden sale is prevented, and this shows the general purpose of this article. The working method of this article is a library, to complete the content of this article, authoritative books such as Fatah al-Qadir, Bada'i al-Sana'ia, Fiqh al-Sunnah, etc. have been used. And the results show that the jurists of the four sects of Ahl al-Sunnah and Jama'at have defined the sale in different terms, but the common point is that everyone is of the opinion that the sale is the exchange of property for property, which is done by way of compromise and for The correctness and correctness of the sale, it is necessary to have the proper distribution Some of them are related to warm transaction contracts, and some of them are related to things that are transacted, i.e. the price of the seller, and some of them are related to the form of contract, i.e. demand and acceptance.

Abstract
This paper employs Critical Discourse Analysis to examine resistance discourses as created by the Ahmadiyya followers – a self-defined sect of Islam – to argue against negative discourses undermining them in Indonesia. In some legal proclamations and statements delivered by state officials and the representatives of majority Muslims in the country, the followers of the sect, especially those affiliated to the JAI (Jemaat Ahmadiyya Indonesia) are excluded from Islamic community. By using Van Dijk's ideological square, this study aims at identifying resistance discourses created by the JAI followers as the defence strategies to oppose negative discourses presenting them as the non-believers of Islam. The resistance discourses are apparent in both written and spoken texts, such as books, articles, speeches, and public debates created by the sect. The finding reveals that the JAI followers create discourses of victim, defender of Islam, imperialism, illegitimacy, and discourse of public deception using various discourse strategies namely victimization, scare tactics, positive attribution, quotation, power delegitimising and negative portraits of misbehaving.

This study is a documentation and analysis of change in ritual in the village of Sarilar, on the west bank of the Euphrates River near Yavuseli, Gaziantep. The research problem posed was identification of ritual change within the consultants' memory and some tentative ways of situating such change within the socio-economic context. The mysticism of the dervish lodge remains as a certain life attitude along with the new views of modernization that have been so well inculcated. Although modernization, at least in the Turkish Alevi context, tends to conflict with the mystical experience of the Bektashi dervish in some areas, a democratized inner core remains.