Suchergebnisse

Polazište ovog rada nedavni je prijepor suvremenih realista oko aktualne dvojbe je li vanjskopolitička doktrina američkog predsjednika Donalda Trumpa realistička. Autor ukazuje da je navedena polemika posljedicom zastarjelog, tautološkog, ali još uvijek i neprevladanog dualističkog diskursa u teorijama međunarodnih odnosa, koji dijeli teoriju i vanjskopolitičku praksu na dva dominantna pravca: realizam i liberalizam. Na temelju dosadašnje teorijske kritike novog realizma, ili neorealizma, članak potvrđuje da ovaj suvremeni realistički pravac epistemološki ne pripada tradiciji realizma na koju se poziva, nego se svojim predodžbama o moći, državi i međunarodnom sustavu utemeljuje u političkom idealizmu: pravcu mišljenja koji se redovno pripisuje liberalima I kojemu je tradicionalni, ili "klasični" realizam bitno suprotstavljen. Analizirajući glavne podudarnosti između pretpostavki neorealizma i načela Trumpove doktrine, ovaj rad navodi na zaključak da Trump nije realist nego protuliberalni idealist. Pojam "protuliberalni idealizam" prikladniji je za razmatranje aktualne američke vanjske politike u kontekstu njene hegemonijske pozicije u liberalnom međunarodnom poretku. ; The article's initial motive is the recent controversy among contemporary realists, who questioned the supposed realism of US president Donald Trump's foreign policy doctrine. The author argues that the polemic is a consequential outgrowth of outdated, tautological, and yet still actual binary discourse, that divides international theory and foreign policy practice on Realism and Liberalism. Referring to the established critique of Neorealism, the article argues that Neorealism does not in epistemic terms belong to the tradition of Realism, to which it is a self-proclaimed successor. On the contrary, with its notions of power, state and international system it is established in political idealism: the tradition of thought that is conventionally attributed to Liberalism, and to which "classical" Realism was fundamentally opposed. By analyzing evident congruence between principles of Neorealism and Trump's America First doctrine, the article concludes that Trump is not a realist, but illiberal idealist. His idealistic nationalist world-view, when translated into foreign policy objectives, is in stark contrast to the professed principles of Realism. Furthermore, the concept of illiberal idealism offers an analytical framework for further analysis of present US foreign policy in the context of its hegemonic position in the Liberal International Order.

Razvoj ljudske civilizacije usko je povezan s korištenjem energije i njezinih mnogostrukih izvora. Od doba ranih hominida na planetu, prije sedam milijuna godina, pa do sadašnjeg homo sapiens sapiens, energija je bila osnovni čimbenik opstanka vrste. Crkva općenito, a posebice kroz svoj socijalni nauk pokazuje posebno zanimanje za pitanja cjelovitog ljudskog razvoja, pa je tako predmet njezina razmatranja i pitanje energije, kao iznimnog izazova za pravdu, sigurnost i mir u svijetu. S pitanjem globalne energetike bave se izravno pape Ivan Pavao II., Benedikt XVI. i Franjo, svjesni da ono spada u iznimno bitne znakove vremena, koje treba pretpostavljati, čitati i tumačiti u svjetlu evanđeoske mudrosti. Ipak, problematika energije, odnosno energetskog sustava, još uvijek je jedno zanemareno globalno pitanje današnjice, iako je iznimno bitan čimbenik za cjelovit razvoj i ljudsko dostojanstvo. ; The development of human civilization is closely related to the use of energy and of its multiple sources. From the time of the early hominoids on the planet, seven million years ago, to the present homo sapiens sapiens, energy has been a basic factor affecting the survival of the species. Generally speaking and particularly through her Social Doctrine, the Church demonstrates a special interest in issues concerning integral human development. Thus, the energy issue is also deemed a subject to be dealt with by the Church since it is an exceptional challenge for the purposes of justice, security and peace in the world. Popes John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis all have concerned themselves with the question of global energy, being aware that this is an extremely important sign of the times which must be understood, read and interpreted in the light of evangelical wisdom. Nevertheless, matters concerning energy and the energy system are today still a neglected global issue, though an immensely important factor affecting integral development and human dignity.

Tijekom istraživanja na velikom broju arheoloških lokaliteta iz različitih perioda, od kasnoneolitičkih preko kasnobrončanodobnih do halštatskih, latenskih i ranorimskih vremena, u različitim kontekstima, izdvojeni su i keramički utezi. Takvi predmeti obično su pronalaženi u skupinama, linijski poslagani, čime predstavljaju jedini ostatak koji se direktno može povezati s njihovom osnovnom funkcijom – tkanjem, i radionicama, odnosno stambenim objektima u kojima se izrađivala tkanina. Vertikalni tkalački stan dobro je poznat iz istraživanja i etnografskih studija. Međutim, funkcija različitih oblika, veličina i mase utega u antici nije dovoljno istražena i ne može se uvijek izvesti izravno iz arheoloških i etnografskih podataka. U radu su izdvojeni i prvi put objavljeni keramički utezi dokumentirani tijekom sustavnih arheoloških istraživanja rimskog legijskog logora Tilurija, smještenog na području sela Gardun pokraj Trilja. U istraživanjima, koja traju od 1997. godine, zabilježeno je 12 utega piramidalnog oblika, ali različite veličine, mase, fakture, boje i ukrasnih motiva. Najviše ih je (devet primjeraka) pronađeno u različitim slojevima na sondi D, na kojoj se istražuju vojničke spavaonice iz 1. st. Još su dva utega zabilježena na sondi Z te jedan na sondi A. Nalazi utega ukazuju na proizvodnju tkanine za potrebe logora. No ne može se isključiti ni njihova sekundarna funkcija na primjeru utega s reljefnim prikazom. Na izdvojenom utegu vidljiv je prikaz triju "munja" skupljenih u snop. Taj motiv najčešće se vezuje za Jupitera i njegovu simboliku vrhovnog boga – gromovnika. Pojava i štovanje Jupiterova kulta u Tiluriju očekivana je s obzirom na prisutnost vojske u tom kraju i ranije je potvrđena nalazima žrtvenika posvećenih tome božanstvu, ali tek će daljnja arheološka istraživanja potvrditi ili opovrgnuti tu simboliku. ; During the research on a large number of archaeological sites from different periods, from the Late Neolithic, through the Late Bronze Age, to the Hallstatt, La Tène and Early Roman times, ceramic weights were singled out in different contexts. Such objects are usually found in groups, arranged in a line, thus representing the only remnant that can be directly related to their basic function - weaving and workshops, and in other words, to the residential buildings in which the fabric was made. The vertical loom is well known in research and ethnographic studies. However, the function of different shapes, sizes and weight of antique weights has not been sufficiently researched and cannot always be derived directly from the archaeological and ethnographic data. The paper singles out the first-time published ceramic weights documented during the systematic archaeological excavations of the Roman legionary camp Tilurium, located in the area of the village Gardun near Trilj. The research, which has been going on since 1997, has recorded 12 pyramid-shaped weights of different sizes, weights, textures, colours and decorative motifs. Most of them (nine specimens) were found in different layers in the trench D, which explores the military dormitories from the 1st century. Two more weights were recorded in trench Z and one in trench A. The findings of the weights indicate the production of fabric for the needs of camp. However, the secondary function of weights cannot be ruled out, particularly on the example of a weight with a relief motif. The selected weight shows a display of three "lightnings" gathered in a beam. This motif is most often associated with Jupiter and his symbolism as the supreme god - the Thunderer. The presence and the worship of Jupiter's cult in Tilurium is expected due to the presence of the army in the area, and it has previously been confirmed by the findings of altars dedicated to this deity, but only further archaeological research will confirm or refute this symbolism.

The paper provides a detailed overview of the existing relationship between the just war theory & international law. It stresses the fact that the two concepts were historically incompatible. The just War theory falls within ethics & appeals to superior principles that were not in accordance with the positivist law theory & the concept of sovereignty upon which public international law was founded. That incompatibility may at first seem as a paradox since the two concepts should be derived from a common base: the idea of justice. Further development of international law has clearly proved that law cannot be separated from the idea of justice & that is, to some extent, closely linked to some elements of natural law. The author concludes that in the domain of the use of force contemporary international law provides a legal frame, which is in accordance with the precepts of the just war theory. References. Adapted from the source document.

A number of interpreters & critics have often complained that Rawls's concept of the individual contains an element of schizophrenia. How is it possible that privately a person is a staunch believer in a moral doctrine, while publicly adopting the principles of political liberalism? The author tries to show how Rawls's concept of the overlapping consensus might avoid this objection. The paper brings two major critiques of Rawls's overlapping consensus: Gray's & Barry's. John Gray claims that the very pursuit of such a consensus is illusory; instead, he advocates a modus vivendi. According to him, the consensus promoted by Rawls is unfeasible even in the US due to the emergence of the so-called "moral majority," & the fact that a huge portion of the population practices rather bigoted variants of Christianity. Brian Barry criticizes Rawls because of his renunciation of his original position, which is apparent in his problematic search for the support from comprehensive doctrines. This maneuver is ill-advised, as it is hard to believe that those citizens who are ardent partisans of a comprehensive doctrine might simply "graft" political liberalism upon it & then, in case of a conflict between their concepts of the good & the justice that political liberalism requires, accept the primacy of justice. The author claims that these criticisms could not be refuted had Rawls believed that the overlapping consensus might be realized in the near future. Rawls, however, is not unrealistic; he only provides arguments why such a consensus might be possible. Rawls finds the grounds for his optimism in the belief that just institutions drastically advance the sense of justice. This means that those who would in the future embrace the overlapping consensus would not have to be schizophrenic after all. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines a historical review of the Catholic Church's attitude toward democracy. The initial stance, as formulated by Pope Leo XIII at the end of the 19th century, was based on the equidistance of the Church from various political regimes, on the condition that they respect individual rights, family, & the Church. The term Christian democracy primarily denoted a drift within the ranks of the clergy, whose goal was helping people & proselytizing under the new circumstances. Further confluence between the Church & democracy occurred during the papacy of Pius XII, who emphasized the importance of the political involvement of a free & responsible individual in a democracy & who endorsed the concept of a people as opposed to anonymous masses. The complete acceptance of democracy by the Church occurred during the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), when it gave its blessing to the involvement of Christian laity in the roles of religious & political activists. The latest convergence of the Church & democracy was embodied in the encyclical Centesimus annus, by John Paul II (1991), in which the demise of communism is attributed to the lack of democracy & in which democracy is singled out as the best form of government. Adapted from the source document.

Polazište ovog članka je u tvrdnji da doktrina narodnog samoodređenja i dalje ostaje jedna od najparadoksalnijih, najkontroverznijih, ali istodobno i najuspješnijih doktrina, koja i dalje u velikoj mjeri doprinosi oblikovanju postojećeg međunarodnog sustava nacionalnih država. U članku se tvrdi da je ta doktrina, čija je namjera bila da sačuva mir i ljudsko dostojanstvo, uvijek bila u samom srcu mnogih sukoba. Ovaj članak analizira paradokse i kontroverze koji su sadržani u toj doktrini, počevši od napetosti između univerzalnosti doktrine narodnog samoodređenja s jedne, i posebnosti nekog konkretnog zahtjeva za narodno samoodređenje neke nacionalne grupe s druge strane. Ti paradoksi i kontroverze odnose se na širok spektar pitanja: od političkih izazova i pitanja legitimnosti same nacionalne države, koja se na taj način stvara, do činjenice da je doktrina narodnog samoodređenja zapravo stvar međunarodne politike, a ne tek puko unutarnje, tj. nacionalno pitanje. Ne odbacujemo samu doktrinu samoodređenja, nego zaključujemo – u zadnjem (devetom) paradoksu – da se njena uspješnost ili neuspješnost ne smije mjeriti brojem država koje su nastale na taj način, nego u kojoj je mjeri ona uspješna u pretvaranju postojećih država u "sigurne kuće" za sve jasnije definirane nacionalne grupe. ; This article's point of departure is that the national self-determination doctrine remains one of the most paradoxical, contested, but successful doctrines which has largely contributed to the shape of our existing international system of nation-states. It argues that the doctrine which is intended to safeguard peace and human dignity is and always has been at the heart of many conflicts. Starting with the tension between the universality of the national self-determination doctrine and the particularity of the national group whose interests it promotes, the article explores other paradoxes contained within this doctrine. They range from political and legitimacy challenges to the very nation-state it creates, through the violations of human rights contrary to its very meaning, to the fact that national self-determination doctrine, far from being a national issue, is actually an international affair. While not rejecting the doctrine, the paper concludes with the final (ninth) paradox that perhaps the success of this doctrine should not be measured by how many states it can produce, but how it can make the existing states a safe home for more self-differentiating national groups.

The author outlines a historical review of the Catholic Church's attitude toward democracy. The initial stance, as formulated by Pope Leo XIII at the end of the 19th century, was based on the equidistance of the Church from various political regimes, on the condition that they respect individual rights, family, & the Church. The term Christian democracy primarily denoted a drift within the ranks of the clergy, whose goal was helping people & proselytizing under the new circumstances. Further confluence between the Church & democracy occurred during the papacy of Pius XII, who emphasized the importance of the political involvement of a free & responsible individual in a democracy & who endorsed the concept of a people as opposed to anonymous masses. The complete acceptance of democracy by the Church occurred during the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), when it gave its blessing to the involvement of Christian laity in the roles of religious & political activists. The latest convergence of the Church & democracy was embodied in the encyclical Centesimus annus, by John Paul II (1991), in which the demise of communism is attributed to the lack of democracy & in which democracy is singled out as the best form of government. Adapted from the source document.

The author points to the fact that Christianity & democracy have been at the center of the European cultural heritage. If democracy, in keeping with the American Declaration of Independence & the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, is defined as a political system aiming to protect human rights in a society, it can be demonstrated that this goes hand in hand with the social & political keynotes of Catholicism. It is Catholicism that dwells on human free will & the responsibility for choosing between good & evil. It also stresses man's concomitant participation in the activities of secular & religious communities -- the state & the Church -- which are strictly separated. It ensues that the Church cannot be a partisan of any political party, including those built around Catholics' secular activities. The Church also opposes the reduction of democracy to mere multiparty power squabbling. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author points to the fact that Christianity & democracy have been at the center of the European cultural heritage. If democracy, in keeping with the American Declaration of Independence & the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, is defined as a political system aiming to protect human rights in a society, it can be demonstrated that this goes hand in hand with the social & political keynotes of Catholicism. It is Catholicism that dwells on human free will & the responsibility for choosing between good & evil. It also stresses man's concomitant participation in the activities of secular & religious communities -- the state & the Church -- which are strictly separated. It ensues that the Church cannot be a partisan of any political party, including those built around Catholics' secular activities. The Church also opposes the reduction of democracy to mere multiparty power squabbling. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the questions of the right to abortion & John Rawls' political concept of justice. The political concept of justice was envisioned for modern democratic liberal societies whose main feature is a pluralism of various comprehensive doctrines. That is why its content ought to encompass solely those political values that are common to all citizens, regardless of which doctrines they espouse. The question of the right to abortion is also topical & interesting because its justification has been a bone of contention between various religious doctrines opposing it & the public legislation. The justification of this right in a pluralist society must stem from the public mind's limitations ie., must be based on the political values that all citizens share. The author builds upon Rawls' opinion on the right to abortion as stated in Political liberalism, & argues in favor of this right using this as his starting point. Finally, the article shows how the doctrines opposed to this right can nevertheless accept the political concept of justice & not be regarded as unreasonable or to feel excluded from public debate. In order for them to be reasonable it is essential for them to be accepting of the political values this right may be derived from without accepting the right itself. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author thinks that liberalism, as a political doctrine, is eminently contradictory, the contradiction being embodied in its two variants. The perfectionist doctrines by William Galston & Joseph Raz advocate liberal forms of good life (autonomy, tolerance, openness to the world), while the antiperfectionist doctrine of John Rawls limits itself to defining the procedural foundations of justice. Raz's & Galston's liberal perfectionism is in danger, in the name of liberal values & virtues, of violating the principle of neutrality of political authority in relation to individual choice of values, while Rawls's concept of procedural justice cannot steer clear of the danger that the total permissiveness regarding individual value options eventually undermines the foundations of liberal society. The author concludes that the balance between perfectionism & anti perfectionism is essential for the defense of liberalism. Such argumentational strategy has to take into consideration the liberal notion of justice, the necessity of a liberating democratic politics, & the concept of a citizen as a subject who, by practicing active tolerance, accepts the responsibility for the community. Adapted from the source document.