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Mi, ki je nic, in nic, ki je mi. Hegel in Nietzsche
In: Filozofski vestnik: FV, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 155-174
ISSN: 0353-4510
The article analyzes three constellations of the notion we -- one coming from Hegel & two from Nietzsche. Their common feature is that in their inner sense, they should not be understood as something that designates a group of people, but rather instead as three different structures of nothing. By developing them, the author attempts to grasp some of the key differences between the two philosophical endeavors. Adapted from the source document.
Avstro-ogrsko poveljstvo jugozahodne fronte in vprašanja politične drže na Hrvaškem med prvo svetovno vojno ; The Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front and Questions concerning the Political Mood in Croatia during the First World War
V članku, ki temelji na analizi posebne študije, ki jo je leta 1916 pripravilo avstro-ogrsko poveljstvo jugozahodne fronte, so predstavljeni pogledi visokega vojaškega poveljstva na politično dogajanje na Hrvaškem v času prve svetovne vojne. Skladno z vsebino omenjene študije bo tudi v pričujočem članku posebna pozornost posvečena italijanskemu iredentizmu in južnoslovanskim težnjam na otokih Kvarnerja, kot tudi delovanju Jugoslovanskega odbora. V sklopu avstro-ogrskega vojnega absolutizma je poveljstvo, ki je nastalo ob vstopu Kraljevine Italije v vojno, ob vodenju vojne proti novemu nasprotniku pridobilo tudi obsežna politična pooblastila. Slednja so vojaškim organom omogočila nadzor nad v očeh oblasti nevernimi in cesarju ter državi nezvestimi skupinami in posamezniki. ; The outbreak of the First World War Apart presented Austria-Hungary not only with military questions but also with major political issues. The very existence of the state now crucially rested on the attitude of civilian population, with any possible unrest in the rear threatening the stability of the entire country. In this regard, the onset of the war ushered in the period of the so-called "war absolutism", with which the state boosted its surveillance of what it considered "dangerous" individuals and groups. The state surveillance apparatus incorporated numerous state and provincial bodies, including military structures. This article aims to analyze a special study that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front issued in 1916, with a particular focus on analyzing the political attitude among the Italian and Croatian population of Istria, and the activities of the Southern Slav Committee. The said command also prepared similar studies evaluating the disposition of the Slovenian and Italian inhabitants of Southern Tyrol. The study of the developments in Istria is titled Staatsfeindliche Bewegungen in Fiume und Kroatien sowie auf den Inseln im Quarnero (Anti-State Movements in Rijeka, Croatia, and the Kvarner Islands). In the first part, the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front analyzed local irredentism and provided a detailed description of organizations and individuals at the heart of the movement. Surveillance of irredentist cells grew in its importance especially after the Kingdom of Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary in May 1915. The empire and its army began to perceive irredentism as a serious threat, deeming that organized resistance, diversion operations, and political disobedience in the rear might aggravate the military situation on the front. The second part of the study, more interesting from the Croatian point of view, centers on activities of the Southern Slav Committee and the Southern Slav movement on Krk Island. Regarding the latter, it is especially noteworthy that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front declared Anton Mahnič, Bishop of Krk, as its central figure. Although most views presented are based on the analysis of various newspaper articles and individual reports, the booklet offers an interesting insight into the dimensions of state surveillance both at home and abroad. More specifically, an association of the Southern Slav emigration, the Southern Slav Committee was regarded by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front and the state leadership as a dangerous organization embodying, through its desire to unify the Austro-Hungarian Southern Slavs with the Kingdom of Serbia, a destabilizing force undermining the Habsburg unity. Accordingly, the study focused more closely on the prominent members of the Southern Slav Committee, such as its president Ante Trumbić, as well as Franjo Supilo, and Bogumil Vošnjak. Although the study clearly established that many data contained therein were of questionable credibility, its authors nevertheless maintained that this did not diminish its significance or the significance of the views regarding all "dangerous" individuals and associations within and beyond the state borders. The study presented in the article offers an extremely interesting insight into the dimensions of the Austro-Hungarian state and military surveillance during the First World War. Such examples not only further substantiate the existing knowledge about "war absolutism" but above all testify to the diligence with which the state addressed the threat of war by exerting surveillance of all "dangerous" structures. In the event of an unrest, the state and the army could use detailed inventories, many also listing names, to persecute and imprison individuals and associations. Moreover, in light of the events that unfolded towards the end of the First World War, both in relation to the Southern Slav integrations and Italian territorial aspirations in Istria and the Bay of Kvarner, it is safe to conclude that the study conducted by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front accurately evaluated individual "dangerous" cells, which in late October and early November 1918 played a notable role in the destruction of the Habsburg state and the creation of new political entities.
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Der praktische Engagement der Theorie ; Praktični angažma teorije
Der Beitrag geht davon aus, daß sich die Verdoppelung der Tätigkeit Saint-Just' in eine praktisch-politische und eine philosophische sowohl auf der Ebene seiner politischen Praxis wie auf der Ebene seiner politischen Theorie wiederholt Der Königsmord, für den sich Saint-Just in seiner politischen Intervention einsetzt, funktioniert auf der Ebene seiner Naturtheorie als jener Begriff, der die Naturauffassung aus dem Vorstelllungsrahmen des 18. Jhr. befreit und sie mit der Vorstellung eines absoluten Anfanges, einer creatio ex nihilo verbindet Der Königsmord, der die Leerstelle des Symbolischen repräsentiert, wirkt in dieser seiner Funktion auch als Moment des "praktischen Engagements" der reinen Theorie. ; Prispevek izhaja iz teze, da se dvojnost Saint-Justovega praktično-političnega in filozofskega delovanja ponavlja tako na ravni njegove politične prakse kakor na ravni politične teorije. Regicid, za katerega se zavzema Saint-Just v svoji politični intervenciji, deluje tako na ravni njegove teorije narave kot tisti koncept, ki iztrga idejo narave predstavnim okvirom 18. stoL in jo poveže z idejo absolutnega začetka, s točko kreacije ex nihilo. Prav kolikor reprezentira regicid prazno mesto simbolnega deluje tudi kot moment "političnega angažmaja" Čistega teoretskega diskurza.
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World Affairs Online
Odresljivi prihranki ali kako skozi potrosnjo postati asketski
In: Filozofski vestnik: FV, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 53-64
ISSN: 0353-4510
Globalizacija in totaliteta
In: Filozofski vestnik: FV, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 153-159
ISSN: 0353-4510
Standing on the threshold of the third millennium, it seems clear that the buzzword "globalization" can describe the direction of studies in several different fields, including aesthetics. As several forces -- technological, economic, & political -- continue to intertwine people, as never before, the need for research that is global in range becomes an absolute necessity. Globalization does not concern just economy & politics; especially important is the role of culture in this process, as well as the possibility that we can give some philosophical determination of globalization. Adapted from the source document.
Primorska sredina v primežu bratomornje vojne
VLOGA DEMOSA V PROCESU SLOVENSKE OSAMOSVOJITVE IN DEMOKRATIZACIJE ; The role of Demos – Democratic Oposition of Slovenia in the process of Slovenian independence and democratization
In: Ljubljana
Namen dela je predvsem proučiti oblikovanje, delovanje, vlogo in pomen Demosa kot instrumenta in akterja nacionalne emancipacije in demokratične tranzicije na Slovenskem. Pred osrednjim delom analize so opredeljeni ključni pojmi in koncepti: definicija nacionalizma ter glavni teoretični pristopi k nacionalizmu, opredelitev demokracije in demokratizacije. Za celovito razumevanje vloge in pomena posameznih političnih akterjev, kakršen je bil konec osemdesetih in v začetku devetdesetih Demos, je potrebno dobro poznati zgodovinske okoliščine. Najprej sem v poglavju o zgodovinskih mejnikih oblikovanja slovenske nacionalne identitete poskušala dokazati, da pomembni procesi v osemdesetih in devetdesetih letih niso vznikli sami od sebe, ampak imajo dolgo zgodovinsko podlago. V nadaljevanju obravnavam širjenje političnega prostora, obdobje liberalizacije in razcveta civilne družbe ter ključne procese in dogodke na poti v pluralno družbo. Procesi liberalizacije so soustvarjali tudi politično okolje, v katerem je začela nastajati politična opozicija. Konec osemdesetih let, tik pred nastankom Demosa, sta se izoblikovala dva konsistentna in nekompatibilna narodno-politična programa, ki sta simbolizirala politično polarizacijo. Nove, alternativne 'zveze' so se začele povezovati v pričakovanju demokratičnih volitev in soočenja s skupino družbenopolitičnih organizacij z Zvezo komunistov na čelu. Osrednji del disertacije predstavlja obravnava Demosa, akterja demokratizacije. Znotraj tega obdobja namenjam posebno pozornost najvidnejši osebnosti združene demokratične opozicije Jožetu Pučniku, analiziram predvolilne programe, rezultate volitev, ter oblikovanje novih oblastnih organov. V tem kontekstu analiziram tudi njihovo sodelovanje s Predsedstvom republike Slovenije. V nadaljevanju orišem vlogo Demosa v osamosvojitvenih procesih. Demos je v svojih glavnih namerah uspel, kljub temu, da ga niso ustrezno podpirali mediji, ni imel ustrezne zaslombe v gospodarstvu, pa tudi ne v državni upravi in, razen slovenske vojske in do neke mere policije, v represivnih organih oblasti. Kljub temu je uresničil glavne cilje, za uspešno izpeljano tranzicijo oziroma bolj popolno in konsolidirano demokratizacijo pa mu je zmanjkalo tako časa kot politične moči. Proces uvedbe demokracije, kot drugi od Demosovih ciljev, je bil uresničen v institucionalnem smislu, z vzpostavitvijo temeljnih demokratičnih struktur. Istočasno pa je bil Demos ključni dejavnik ne le pri oblikovanju splošnega soglasja o nujnosti osamosvojitve slovenskega naroda, ki se izraža v visokem rezultatu slovenskega plebiscita 23. decembra 1990, ampak je bil tudi glavni akter in instrument nacionalne osamosvojitve, obrambe slovenske samostojnosti v vojni za Slovenijo ter mednarodnega priznanja. ; The purpose of the thesis is primarily to examine the creation, operations, role and importance of Demos – Democratic Opposition of Slovenia as an instrument and actor of national emancipation and democratic transition in Slovenia. Prior to the central part of the analysis key terms and concepts are identified: definition of nationalism and the main theoretical approaches to nationalism, definition of democracy and democratization. For comprehensive understanding of the role and importance of individual political actors, like Demos was in the late eighties and early nineties, we should also be familiar with historical circumstances. At first I tried to stress that the main events and processes in the eighties and nineties had not emerged by themselves but were results of long historical development. Next I discuss broadening of political space, a period of liberalization and flourishing of civil society and also key processes and events on the way to a pluralistic society. The liberalization processes co-created also the political environment, in which the political opposition started to take shape. At the end of the eighties, just before the establishment of Demos, two consistent and incompatible national-political programmes were formed which symbolized the political polarization. New, alternative 'unions' began to link pending democratic elections and confrontations with a group of the so-called socio-political organizations with the Communists Party at the head. The central part of the thesis is the analysis of Demos, the actor of democratization. Within this period I pay particular attention to Jože Pučnik, the most prominent personality of the united democratic opposition, I analyse election programs, results of elections and the creation of new public authorities. In this context, I analyse also their cooperation with the Presidency of the Republic of Slovenia and outline the role of Demos in the independence processes. Demos succeeded in its main intentions, despite the fact that it had not adequate support of the media, no support of the economy nor in the public service and, with the exception of the Slovenian Army and to some extent police forces, the repressive authorities. Despite all these Demos accomplished its main objectives, however, for a successful transition or a more complete and consolidated democratization it ran out of time and political power. The process of introducing democracy was realized in a formal sense, with the establishment of basic democratic structures. At the same time Demos was a key factor in the creation of the general consensus on the necessity of the Slovenian independency which is shown in the high score of the plebiscite on 23rd Dec 1990. Demos was also the key actor and an instrument of the national independence process, the defence of the Slovenian territory in the war for Slovenia as well as in the process of the international recognition of the new Slovenian sovereign state.
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