The normative basis of the republican conception of justice is freedom as non-domination. This concept of political freedom comprises social relations in equality of power. Non-domination represents the social condition of not being submissive to the capacity of arbitrary interference of others. Republican freedom presupposes the development of human capabilities in their fullness. The potential for human capacity development must be protected by the legal structure of the State. The State has the function of equating the differences of individuals' assets and resources with their institutional structure. It acts to offer the necessary conditions, rights and basic liberties, to individuals in their social and political life. The Republican perspective of Philip Pettit leads to the normative deduction of republican liberty and to demonstrating that the theory of justice has to presuppose the resources necessary for the development of human life in its condition of equality and freedom. The democratic structuring of society presupposes the establishment of social relations that are characterized by the social status of non-domination.
Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; The significance of human rights and transitional justice (TJ) cannot be overemphasized. This underscores why Aspiration three (3), "An Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law",and Aspiration four (4), "A peaceful and secured Africa", of Agenda 2063 – The Africa We Want – focus on human rights promotion, silencing the guns by 2020, peace, security and development. In order to accomplish these objectives of Africa's Agenda 2063, a ten-year implementation plan was developed. The year 2015 was dedicated to Women's empowerment and 2016 to human rights, with a special focus on the rights of women
This article aims to analyze the discussion of justice in Book I of Plato's 'Republic'. At first, it should be noted that the way Book I is built makes it very close to the Platonic dialogues of the youth, the controversy remaining in relation to its writing as an independent text or preface deliberately elaborated. In Book I Plato maps the common meanings of justice and deconstructs them in an intellectual path that responds to the traditional notions of morality and to the already degenerated political perspective of the sophists. With this, it signals the need to transcend the domains of mere opinion, in the name of a superior foundation for justice, universal and with a rational seal. The process of conceptual purification and contextual delimitation perpetrated in the first book helps to understand the complex ethical, metaphysical and political-educational reflections of the 'Republic', reason that leads us to infer the essentially propaedeutic character with which Book I it was elaborated.
This paper aims to discuss the socio-economic regimes that allow the realization of justice as fairness, focusing in particular on the two regimes pointed out by Rawls as capable of constituting a well-ordered society, the property-owning democracy (POD) on the one hand and liberal socialism on the other. To this end, we will first consider Rawls' arguments regarding socio-economic regimes within A theory of justice. Then, based on Justice as fairness: a restatement, the arguments in favor of POD and liberal socialism and against the other three options: laissez-faire capitalism, one-party state socialism, and the welfare state will be discussed. Next, the arguments in favor of either POD or liberal socialism will be considered, largely seeking to draw what the distinctions between the two regimes are, from those authors who seek to go beyond Rawls. At the end, it is concluded that within the limits of a theory of justice Rawls is correct in not defining who is the winning regime, the POD or liberal socialism, but in the current advance of liberal capitalism and its movement away from liberal democracies it shows necessary to discuss which is the most adequate regime from the bases provided by justice as fairness.
Este artigo é resultado de uma etnografia documental em que se convencionou analisar dois "casos jurídicos de transmissão do HIV" (Vírus da Imunodeficiência Humana). Privilegiei os acionamentos jurídicos utilizados para se construir dentro de Instituições Legais essas situações. Para a estruturação do texto, o dividi em três partes: Primeiro, uma breve condução história dos alicerces brasileiro de resposta à Aids. Segundo, a parte etnográfica narrada (à luz de documentos) e, terceiro, uma discussão antropológica em como esse tipo de estudo etnográfico pode contribuir para pensar o tema da criminalização de transmissão do HIV no caso brasileiro. Ao fim, conclui-se que, o "enredo das condenações" é revestido de relações de poder, moralidades e controvérsias e que as situações trazidas estão imersas na vida social.
The 21stcentury opens the post-Truth era as a visual spectacle that favors appearances above everything else. But in a schizophrenic way, the social acceptance of the lie directly clashes with the continued idealization of the Truth as an objective mirror of the facts, which continues to be the regulatory road map of the West and its Eurocentrism. The victims seem thus to be trapped in between the precipice of the objectifying mirror and the abyss of the spectacularized post-Truth, two forms of absolutization of the Truth swinging from one the wills to powers of interest. This article starts from this contemporary paradoxical bipolarity, in order to, through the epistemic weakening of the Truth proposed by the philosopher Gianni Vattimo, address the question of dignity and justice of the victims. The epistemic weakening of the Truth that Vattimo raises effectively opens the possibilities for a democratic transformation, but nothing guarantees what or who will take advantage of that debolist opening. In order to be transformative, Truth ceases to be absolute, even to claim it, but it cannot lose the reference of criteria that inhabit worthy human lives as a corporal source.
This paper aims to explore to the maximum Latin American Philosophy of Liberation and the so-called decolonizer or decolonial turn to found the constitutional theory, from the practices of the New Latin American Constitutionalism, specially new constitutional texts and systems from Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009), which propose a series of institutional and social innovations. The text has a multi disciplinary profile, passing through the areas of Law and Philosophy, and has as basis classic authors from the Latin American thought. Keywords: Constitution; justice; politics; Latin America; ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo explorar al máximo la filosofía latinoamericana de la liberación y el llamado giro descolonizador o "descolonial" para fundamentar la teoría constitucional, a partir de las prácticas del "nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano", en especial nuevos textos y sistemas constitucionales de Venezuela (1999), de Ecuador (2008) y de Bolivia (2009), que proponen una serie de innovaciones institucionales y sociales. El texto tiene perfil multidisciplinario, transitando entre las áreas del Derecho y de la Filosofía, y tiene como base autores clásicos del pensamiento latinoamericano. Palabras-clave: Constitución; la justicia; la política; América Latina. Abstract: This paper aims to explore ao máximo Latin American Philosophy of Liberation and the so-called decolonizer ou decolonial turn to found the constitucional theory, from the practices of the New Latin American Constitutionalism, specially new constitutional texts and systems from Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009), which propose a series of institutional and social inovations. The text has a multi disciplinary profile, passing through the areas of Law and Philosophy, and has as basis classic authors from the Latin American thought. Keywords: Constitution; justice; politics; Latin America;Introducción ; Cet article vise à explorer au maximum la philosophie latino-américaine de la libération et le soi-disant décolonisateur ou virage décolonial pour fonder la théorie constitutionnelle, à partir des pratiques du nouveau constitutionnalisme latino-américain, en particulier des nouveaux textes et systèmes constitutionnels du Venezuela (1999), Equateur (2008) et Bolivie (2009), qui proposent une série d'innovations institutionnelles et sociales. Le texte a un profil multidisciplinaire, passant par les domaines du droit et de la philosophie, et a pour base des auteurs classiques de la pensée latino-américaine. Mots-clés: Constitution; Justice; politique; Amérique latine; ; Questo articolo mira a sfruttare al massimo la filosofia di liberazione latinoamericana e la cosiddetta svolta decolonizzante o "decoloniale" a sostegno della teoria costituzionale, basata sulle pratiche del "nuovo costituzionalismo latinoamericano", in particolare nuovi testi e sistemi costituzionali del Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) e Bolivia (2009), che propongono una serie di innovazioni istituzionali e sociali. Il testo ha un profilo multidisciplinare, muovendosi tra le aree del diritto e della filosofia, e si basa su autori classici del pensiero latinoamericano. ; O presente artigo objetiva explorar ao máximo a filosofia latino-americana da libertação e o chamado giro descolonizador ou "descolonial" para fundamentar a teoria constitucional, a partir das práticas do "novo constitucionalismo latino-americano", em especial novos textos e sistemas constitucionais da Venezuela (1999), do Equador (2008) e da Bolívia (2009), que propõem uma série de inovações institucionais e sociais. O texto tem perfil multidisciplinar, transitando entre as áreas do Direito e da Filosofia, e tem como base autores clássicos do pensamento latino-americano.
From the point of view of critical theory and social criticismo the idea of progress seems to be established in an ambivalence: on the one hand, the postulates of Amy Alllen started an "Aufklärung" of the conception of progress ( which I call the "negative" conception) and its possible unfolding to a critical theory as well as for social criticismo; in contrast, the conception of progress can be understood as a "positive way" in which it is guided by the constitutive scope of a critical theory by embodying, for example, the social justice as a social-normative medium to the process of emancipation. Taking into account the aforementioned assertions, I will take up, in this research, the core of the conception of progress in Amy Allen (1) in order to interpose a "positive" idea. In this sense, I will take as a social-institutional and empirical reference the public policy of the 'Mais IDH' social program (More HDI), which is constituted both as a response to the concept of progress in Amy Allen and as a possible condition for the realization of social justice (understood as the minimum conditions of existence) (2).
By reading the UNDP and UNESCO documents, which make up the United Nations system, it is possible to see prospective models - concerning justice, just school, school justice - which are connected to a vast academic literature on education and human rights as well as education and social justice. This is a documentary research which aims to find out in which ways the documents entitled Education for All Global Monitoring Reports (REPTs) of UNESCO and Human Development Reports (RDHs) seek, at the threshold of the 21st century, to certify the effectiveness of education and school as promoters of social, economic and political inclusion of individuals. Their prescriptions are made to States, civil society organizations and political leaders committed to a more just and democratic education. It was emphasized, in the course of the analysis, that the diagnoses and prescriptions, present in the respective documents, as their goal is to reach expressively broad territorial spaces as well as social and political contexts, are not sufficiently concerned with the conflicting processes that can, under specific social, educational and political conditions, make it impossible to expand justice, in general, and school justice, in particular. Due to the diverse nature of the prognoses present in these reports, it is not possible for their formulators to pay attention to the singularities of different societies as a space of innumerable conflicts that tend to increase the difficulties of substantive advances towards increasing school justice. ; Ao lerem-se os documentos do PNUD e UNESCO, que compõem o sistema das Nações Unidas, percebem-se modelos prospectivos - sobre justiça, escola justa, justiça escolar – que têm conectividade com uma vasta literatura acadêmica sobre educação e direitos humanos e educação e justiça social. Esta é uma pesquisa documental que busca averiguar de que modo os documentos intitulados Relatórios de Monitoramento da Educação para Todos da UNESCO (REPTs) e Relatórios do Desenvolvimento Humano (RDHs) procuram, no limiar do século XXI, atestar a eficácia da educação e da escola como promotoras da inclusão social, econômica e política dos indivíduos. As suas prescrições são feitas aos Estados, às organizações da sociedade civil e às lideranças políticas comprometidas com uma educação mais justa e democrática. Ressaltou-se, no decorrer da análise, que os diagnósticos e as prescrições, presentes nos respectivos documentos, por visarem a alcançar espaços territoriais e contextos sociais e políticos expressivamente amplos não se atêm, suficientemente, aos processos conflitivos que podem, em condições sociais, políticas e educacionais específicas, impossibilitar a ampliação da justiça, de modo geral, e da justiça escolar, de modo particular. Em razão da diversificada natureza dos prognósticos presentes nesses relatórios, não é possível, aos seus formuladores, atentar para as singularidades das diversas sociedades como um espaço de inúmeros conflitos que tendem a ampliar as dificuldades de avanços substantivos rumo a uma crescente justiça escolar.
Fundamental na criação de um espaço europeu de liberdade, segurança e justiça é o princípio do reconhecimento mútuo, de que a decisão-quadro 2002/584/JAI do Conselho, de 13 de junho de 2002, constitui a primeira grande concretização no domínio da cooperação judicial em matéria penal. A jurisprudência do Tribunal de Justiça da União Europeia tem contribuído de modo relevante para a compreensão da decisão-quadro, acentuando os seus objetivos e reforçando os seus princípios orientadores, que são o reconhecimento mútuo das decisões proferidas nos diferentes Estados-Membros da União Europeia e a confiança mútua que deve instalar-se entre estes, a bem da criação do referido espaço. O acórdão West, de 28 de junho de 2012, proc. C-192/12 PPU, proferido em processo de reenvio prejudicial urgente, ilustra pertinentemente o impacto daquela jurisprudência, sublinhando o papel deste procedimento, implementado em 1 de março de 2008. ; A key factor in the creation of a European area of freedom, security and justice is the principle of mutual recognition, which the Framework Decision 2002/584/JHA of 13 June 2002, for the first time, comprehensively implemented in the field of judicial cooperation in criminal matters. The Court of Justice of the European Union has greatly contributed to the understanding of the Framework Decision, accentuating its goals and enhancing its guiding principles, which are the mutual recognition of judgments in the different Member States of the European Union and mutual trust that should settle among them, for the creation of the said area. The West judgment of 28 June 2012, C-192/12 PPU, on urgent preliminary ruling procedure, aptly illustrates the impact of this case law, highlighting the role of this procedure, implemented on 1 March 2008.
Na análise de conflitos socioambientais por mineração, vários trabalhos têm apontado as diversas causas que originam estes cenários de tensão sobretudo em comunidades locais. Contudo, um aspecto pouco abordado é a percepção dos riscos como causa de um conflito socioambiental. A partir dessa premissa, este trabalho discute teorias que abordam os riscos e o princípio da precaução com a teoria da justiça ambiental a fim de identificar os elementos comuns entre estas e suas implicações em conflitos que envolvem coletividades. A conexão analítica entre o princípio da precaução e a teoria da justiça ambiental permite advertir que, em alguns conflitos por mineração, além da rejeição aos riscos por possíveis efeitos poluentes, existem outras questões inter-relacionadas de conteúdo epistemológico, social, cultural, econômico e político que influenciam nos cenários de conflito. O trabalho mostra que estas inter-relações se expressam principalmente nas limitações intrínsecas do conhecimento científico para a avaliação de riscos e incertezas em projetos de mineração complexos e na disputa política que envolve avaliação e decisão sobre riscos que poderiam afetar bens incomensuráveis como o ambiente, a saúde humana e as formas de organização de diversas comunidades. ; In the analysis of socioenvironmental conflicts by mining, several studies have pointed out the various causes that give rise to these tension scenarios, especially in local communities. However, one aspect that is not addressed is the perception of risks as a socio-environmental conflict cause. Based on this premise, this work discuss the theories that approach the risks and precautionary principle with the theory of environmental justice in order to identify the common elements between both and their implications in the context of conflicts that involve collectivities. We argue that the analytical link between the precautionary principle and the environmental justice theory allows us to note that in some conflicts regarding mining, in addition to the rejection of risks due to possible polluting effects, there are other interrelated issues of epistemological, social, cultural, economic and political content that influence in conflict scenarios. The work shows that these interrelations are expressed mainly in the intrinsic limitations of scientific knowledge for the evaluation of risks and uncertainties in complex mining projects, and in the political dispute surrounding the evaluation and decision on risks that could affect incommensurable goods such as the environment, human health and the forms of organization of various communities.
Examining some recent examples from the Court of Justice of the European Union case law, this article intends to unravel the direction to which the European courts turn towards in times of crisis. The fiscal restraint and socioeconomic restructuring dictated by considerations of public debt reduction affect the daily lives of European citizens. However, the crisis and the austerity measures framed by Union law follow the new visibility that fundamental rights assumed in the integration process with the entry into force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Therefore, in accordance to the moto proclaimed by Cunha Rodrigues, the crisis highlights the role of jurists and, in particular, the judges while guardians of democracy – understood as the safe exercise of fundamental rights. This paper therefore considers the transformative potential of the current crisis and its implications on the deepening of citizenship rights in the European Union. ; A partir de alguns exemplos recentes da jurisprudência do Tribunal de Justiça da União Europeia, o presente texto pretende desvendar a direção para a qual avançam os tribunais europeus em tempos de crise. As medidas de contenção orçamental e de reestruturação socioeconómica ditadas por imperativos de desendividamento público afetam o quotidiano do cidadão europeu. Contudo, a crise e as medidas de austeridade enquadradas pelo direito da União são contemporâneas da nova visibilidade que os direitos fundamentais assumiram no processo de integração com a entrada em vigor da Carta dos Direitos Fundamentais da União Europeia. Por isso, e indo ao encontro do mote lançado por Cunha Rodrigues, a crise acentua o papel dos juristas e, em especial, dos juízes enquanto garantes da democracia – entendida como o exercício seguro de direitos fundamentais. O presente texto considera, assim, o potencial transformador da atual crise e suas implicações no aprofundamento de uma cidadania de direitos na União Europeia.
ResumoO artigo investigou como o liberalismo político de John Rawls pode oferecer argumentos razoáveis para equacionar os dilemas políticos, econômicos e sociais ocasionados pela pandemia de COVID-19. Apesar de a teoria de Rawls aplicar-se, especificamente, para sociedades bem ordenadas quase-justas, nos §§ 10 e 11 da Conferência VIII do livro Liberalismo político, o filósofo discute a forma de se governar em ocasiões de emergência que afetam a estabilidade das instituições do Estado de direito. A partir da diferenciação entre os tipos de instabilidade institucional (crise e tensão), indicou-se que a situação gerada pela COVID-19 assemelha-se ao contexto de tensão. Utilizando o liberalismo político de John Rawls para esse contexto de tensão, é possível afirmar a razoabilidade do argumento favorável a restrições à liberdade de ir e vir e de empreender, em favor da não exposição das pessoas a riscos excessivos de morte.Palavras-chave: Justiça. Pandemia. Tensão. Liberalismo político.AbstractThe article investigated how the political liberalism of John Rawls can offer reasonable arguments to address the political, economic and social dilemmas caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Although Rawls' theory applies specifically to well-ordered societies, in §§ 10 and 11 of Conference VIII of Political Liberalism, the philosopher discusses how to govern in times of emergency that affect stability institutions of the rule of law. From the differentiation between the types of institutional instability (crisis and apprehension), it is indicated that the situation generated by COVID-19 is similar to the context of tension. Using John Rawls' political liberalism in this context of tension, it is possible to affirm the reasonableness of the argument in favor of restricting the freedom to go and the entrepreneur, in favor of not exposing people to excessive risks of death.Keywords: Justice. Pandemic. Apprehension. Political Liberalism.