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A symposium contribution focuses on key issues in debates about gender quotas, especially on the level of discourse where political "problems" & "solutions" are identified, conceptualized, & legitimized. Debates over gender quotas challenge the norms of political justice at two levels: the redistribution of seats; & the discursive reframing of concepts in order to make quotas an acceptable "solution" to a recognized problem. Quota debates are explored as sites of "struggle for the redefinition of the relation between gender, justice, & the political." The benefits of using discourse-analytical approaches for analyzing the processes of problematization, categorization, & legitimation are pointed out, along with the usefulness of exploring quota debates as part of a wider political context. Contextual elements that could be addressed include the institutional & normative framework in which the debates occur; other issues gender debates are linked to; & the relation between these debates & wider projects of democratization & modernization. The rich potential of comparative analyzes of gender quota debates is emphasized. References. J. Lindroth

Introduction : Kai Nielsen's Political Philosophy: A Critical Introduction and Overview -- I. Metaphilosophy: Critical Theory and Wide-Reflective Equilibrium ; 1 On Finding One's Feet in Philosophy: From Wittgenstein to Marx ; 2 Metaphilosophy, Pragmatism, and a Kind of Critical Theory: Nielsen and Rorty ; 3 On There Being Wide Reflective Equilibria: Why It Is Important to Put It in the Plural ; 4 The Global Crisis of Values: The Poverty of Moral Philosophy -- II. Egalitarianism and Socialism ; 5 On the Choice between Reform and Revolution ; 6 Justice and Modes of Production: Allen Wood's "The Marxian Critique of Justice" Revisited ; 7 Class and Justice ; 8 Radical Egalitarian Justice: Justice as Equality ; 9 Radical Egalitarianism Revisited: On Going beyond the Difference Principle -- III. Cosmopolitanism, Nationalism, and Global Justice ; 10 Is Global Justice Impossible? ; 11 Liberal Nationalism, Liberal Democracies, and Secession ; 12 Cosmopolitan Nationalism ; 13 World Government: A Cosmopolitan Imperative? -- Afterword: An Interview with Kai Nielsen on Political Philosophy.

Following on Making Civil Rights Law, which covered Thurgood Marshall's career from 1936-1961, this book focuses on Marshall's career on the Supreme Court from 1961-1991, where he was first Afro-American Justice. The first book on Justice Thurgood Marshall's years on the Supreme Court based on a comprehensive review of the Supreme Court papers of Justices Marshall and William J. Brennan, this work describes Marshall's special approach to constitutional law in areas ranging from civil rights and the death penalty to abortion and poverty. It also describes the Supreme Court's operations during Marshall's tenure, the relations among the justices, and the particular roles played by Chief Justice Warren Burger, Justice Brennan, and Justice Antonin Scalia. The book locates the Supreme Court's actions from 1967 to 1991 in a broader historical and political context, explaining how Marshall's liberalism became increasingly isolated on a Court influenced by nation's drift in a more conservative direction.

Abstract
In this paper, I zoom in on linguistic justice for language groups who do not enjoy either local territorial dominance or equality with other language groups within the state. My question is: is there a separate linguistic justice category for such language groups whose recognition is 'subordinate' to that of other language groups? Does subordinate linguistic justice exist? A positive answer would mean that groups who belong to the category would not necessarily want to look at territorial dominance or equality as the proper ideal of linguistic justice: subordinate linguistic justice would not be an oxymoron. The answer I develop is indeed positive; it is possible for language groups to be in such a position of subordination while justice is fulfilled, but only under certain conditions. Nonfulfillment of one of these conditions generates reasons of justice for such groups to emancipate themselves from the position of subordination.

Abstract:This paper investigates the relationship between judicial resources and individuals' trust in the justice system. We argue that the justice budget is likely to have a positive and significant impact on individuals' trust in justice, thanks to its role as a signal when individuals face uncertainty regarding the judicial environment. We test this hypothesis empirically using three different budget-related variables: the justice budget per incoming case, the number of magistrates and the intensity of legal aid. Across our three regressions, we find a positive and significant correlation between judicial resources and individuals' declared trust in the justice system. This positive relationship is robust to the introduction of socio-demographic, cultural, institutional and economic control variables. We finally offer empirical support to the intuition that the effect of the justice budget on trust in justice is likely to be greater when individuals are more satisfied with the level of democracy in their country.

This paper's objective is to draw critical consideration on "The Social Justice" as a foundation of education and the elaboration of an alternative proposal from a radical democracy viewpoint. The methodology is based on critical hermeneutics and, after that, the adaptation of a proposal of principles, institutions, and practices generated by the philosopher Enrique Dussel. The main results of this research are as follows: To show a material, intersubjective and feasibility articulation of educational democracy; the need to generate institutions where horizontal democracy governs and the functioning of an agonist education as criticism and alternative to the narrowness of Social Justice as a device for emancipation. ; El vínculo entre educación y justicia ha sido uno que, mediado por la política y el amplio espectro de la normatividad, propone más que un inconveniente, como lo es la subordinación del carácter emancipador de la educación. Por tanto, como se argumentará, es necesario volver sobre la relación entre educación y democracia. Este artículo tiene por objetivo ser una consideración crítica de la fundamentación de la educación por parte de la 'Justicia Social', y la elaboración de una propuesta alternativa de fundamentación de la educación como democracia radical. Para el cumplimiento de este objetivo se ha optado de forma metodológica por una hermenéutica crítica y, posterior a ello, la adaptación de una propuesta de principios, instituciones y prácticas generadas por el filósofo E. Dussel. Son considerados como resultados de esta investigación: mostrar una articulación material, intersubjetiva y de factibilidad de la democracia educativa; la necesidad de generar instituciones donde rija la democracia horizontal y el funcionamiento de una educación agonista como crítica y alternativas a los acotados márgenes de la Justicia Social como dispositivo de búsqueda de la emancipación. ; O objetivo deste artigo é gerar uma consideração crítica da fundação da educação pela Justiça Social e a elaboração de uma ...

Using data on essentially every U.S. Supreme Court decision since 1946, we estimate a model of peer effects on the Court. We estimate the impact of justice ideology and justice votes on the votes of their peers. To identify the peer effects, we use two instruments that generate plausibly exogenous variation in the peer group itself, or in the votes of peers. The first instrument utilizes the fact that the composition of the Court varies from case to case due to recusals or absences for health reasons. The second utilizes the fact that many justices previously sat on Federal Circuit Courts, and justices are generally much less likely to overturn decisions in cases sourced from their former "home" court. We find large peer effects. For example, we can use our model to predict the impact of replacing Justice Ginsburg with Justice Barrett. Under the the assumption that Justice Barrett's ideological position aligns closely with Justice Scalia, for whom she clerked, we predict that her influence on the Court will increase the Conservative vote propensity of the other justices by 4.7 percentage points. That translates into 0.38 extra conservative votes per case on top of the impact of her own vote. In general, we find indirect effects are large relative to the direct mechanical effect of a justice's own vote.

Service recovery is a crucial success factor for organizations. Thus, many studies have addressed the issue of post-complaint behavior. Conducting a meta-analysis, the authors test the following path model: ''organizational responses (compensation, favorable employee behavior, and organizational procedures) → justice perceptions (distributive, interactional, and procedural justice) → post-complaint satisfaction (transaction-specific and cumulative satisfaction) → customer behavioral intentions (loyalty and positive word of mouth [WOM]).'' The results confirm this model as well as the mediating role of justice perceptions and post-complaint satisfaction. Surprisingly, the results also show that the common contention of distributive justice as the salient driver of service recovery is only true for transaction-specific satisfaction, which in turn reinforces positive WOM. Cumulative satisfaction, however, which is the primary antecedent of customer loyalty, even slightly more depends on interactional justice than on distributive justice. Further, the results show that the relationships between justice perceptions and satisfaction constructs depend on several moderators such as target group, industry, and complaint type. A major managerial implication is the fact that organizations should pay particular attention to distributive justice when complainants are students and to interactional justice when failure is nonmonetary or occurs in service industries. The authors discuss theoretical implications and provide suggestions for future research.

1. Introduction -- 2. Partner Violence: Global, Legal And Indigenous Perspectives -- 3. Indigenous And Domestic And Family Violence Specialist Courts -- 4. Indigenous Sentencing Courts In Two Australian States -- 5. The Role Of Elders And Community Representatives And How It Impacts On Perspectives Of Justice -- 6. Couples Who Stayed Together -- 7. Couples Who Separated -- 8. De-Colonising 'What Works'

The debate over the ratification of an international criminal court (ICC) is less about the validity of the court & more about the concentration of authority to judge in a tyrannical regime of powerful elites. Those who claim an ICC would be "mock justice" uphold the validity of domestic justice systems but fail to admit to mistakes with weapons of mass destruction. President George W. Bush's invasion of Iraq in 2003 was the most extreme expression of the hierarchal political structure of a pro-military view. An international justice system of representatives of nations should be the instrument to render judgments on criminal leaders. Today, only the US can violate international law without risk of military reprisal. Leaders of less militarily powerful democracies must not capitulate to self appointed leaders as the final arbiter in matters of justice. References. J. Harwell

A review essay on books by (1) Louis Emmerij, Richard Jolly, & Thomas G. Weiss, Ahead of the Curve? UN Ideas and Global Challenges (Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana U Press, 2001); & (2) Thomas G. Weiss, Tatiana Carayannis, Louis Emmerij, & Richard Jolly, UN Voices. The Struggle for Development and Social Justice (Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana U Press, 2005).

Instead of intellectual crosstalk they should apply themselves to the economy, said the spiritual guide Ali Khamenei to the reformers. Then without livelihood there is no religion, morality, or hope. After the elections the conservatives exercise all the power. Now, they are responsible to honor their big promises & to provide social justice. E. Sanchez