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In the present-day Balkans, the conflicting desires for self-determination & for recognition of the legitimate rights of the new states constitute a potential source of regional upheavals. The conflict in the territory of former Yugoslavia has affected the specific attitude profiling of the Balkan states & reconfirmed the necessity of the Balkan security community, which makes it impossible to view national security outside the regional Balkan framework. Using various means, each of the Balkan states strives to overcome the afflictions brought about by the latest Balkan crisis & create conditions for strengthening its national security. Adapted from the source document.

Hrvatski izvornik: Senker, Boris (2019): S obiju strana rampe: Ogledi o hrvatskoj drami i kazalištu. Zagreb, Leykam international, str. 169–176; 223–235. Njemački izvornik: Laitko, Hubert: Die Etablierung der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Akademiehistorische Weichenstellung in der Frühphase des Kalten Krieges. U: Feichtinger Johannes i Heidemarie Uhl (2018): Die Akademien der Wissenschaften in Zentraleuropa im Kalten Krieg: Transformationsprozesse im Spanngsfeld von Abgrenzung und Annäherung. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, str. 341–364. ; Kroatischer Ausgangstext: Senker, Boris (2019): S obiju strana rampe: Ogledi o hrvatskoj drami i kazalištu. Zagreb, Leykam international, S. 169–176; 223–235. Deutscher Ausgangstext: Laitko, Hubert: Die Etablierung der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Akademiehistorische Weichenstellung in der Frühphase des Kalten Krieges. In: Feichtinger Johannes i Heidemarie Uhl (2018): Die Akademien der Wissenschaften in Zentraleuropa im Kalten Krieg: Transformationsprozesse im Spanngsfeld von Abgrenzung und Annäherung. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, S. 341–364.

Polazeći od gnome B 53 DK, koja u hrvatskom prijevodu glasi: »Rat svih otac je i svih kralj, i jedne kao bogove iskaza, a druge kao ljude, jedne sužnjevima učini, a druge slobodnima«, razmatra se Heraklitovo poimanje suprotnosti rata (πόλεμος) i mira (εἰρήυη). Ta se suprotnost javlja u gnomi B 67 kao jedna od temeljnih suprotnosti, u kojoj se obrće bivanje bivajućeg u cjelini po zakonu vječnoga zbora (λόγος). U gnomi B 80, gdje je riječ o tome da je rat zajedan svim bivajućima (πόλεμου ἐόντα ξυνόν), ratu se pridaje isto određenje kao i samomu zboru. Rat nije samo u suprotnosti prema miru nego i prema skladu (ἁρμονίη), pri čemu su to dva temeljna, međusobno suprotna i supripadna određenja zbora kao onoga istoga u odnosu suprotnosti uopće. Rat se, dakle, promatra u cijelom rasponu njegova očitovanja od rata među ljudima i bogovima preko sukoba unutar svakog pojedinog bivajućeg i među bivajućima u cjelini, sve do vrhovnoga zakona prema kojem sva bivajuća bivaju. U svezi s pojmom rata razmatra se također i s njime neposredno povezan pojam spora ili sukoba (ἔρις), koji se u gnomi B 80 poistovjećuje s pravdom (δίϰη). Pokazuje se kako se suprotnost rata i mira u Heraklita svodi na suprotnost raznosa (διαφρα) i sunosa (συμφορα), odnosno razdvajanja i sjedinjavanja, koja je u osnovi bivanja bivajućeg u cjelini. ; Ausgehend von der Gnome B 53 DK, die in der deutschen Übersetzung lautet: "Der Krieg ist von allem der Vater, von allem der König, und die einen erwies er als Götter, und die anderen als Menschen, die einen machte er zu Knechten und die anderen zu Freien", wird Heraklits Auffassung des Gegensatzes von Krieg (πόλεμος) und Frieden (eijrhvnh) erörtert. Dieser Gegensatz kommt in der Gnome B 67 zum Wort als einer der Grundgegensätze, in welchem sich das Werden des Werdenden im Ganzen gemäß dem Gesetz des ewigen Logos vollzieht. In der Gnome B 80, wo die Rede davon ist, dass der Krieg für alles Werdende gemeinsam ist (πόλεμου ἐόντα ξυνόν), wird dem Krieg dieselbe Bestimmung zugesprochen, wie dem Logos selbst. Der Krieg steht nicht nur im Gegensatz zum Frieden, sondern auch zur Harmonie (ἁρμονίη), wobei diese zwei zueinander gegensätzlichen und zusammengehörenden Grundbestimmungen des Logos sind, der das Selbe im Gegensatzverhältnis überhaupt ist. Der Krieg wird also in seiner ganzen Reichweite betrachtet, als Krieg zwischen Menschen und Göttern, als Streit innerhalb jedes einzelnen Werdenden und jedes einzelnen Werdenden und als das höchste Gesetz, als das höchst Gesetz des Werdens. Im Zusammenhang mit dem Begriff des Krieges wird auch der Begriff des Streites (ἔρις) durchdacht, der in der Gnome B 80 mit der Gerechtigkeit (δίϰη) gleichgesetzt ist. Es wird gezeigt, dass der Gegensatz von Krieg und Frieden bei Heraklit sich auf den Gegensatz von Auseinanderbringen (διαφρα) und Zusammenbringen (συμφορα), bzw. von Trennung und Vereinigung, zurückführen lässt, der dem Werden des Werdenden im Ganzen zugrunde liegt.

The ethical distress of the (post)modern world stimulates and directs us to reflect our ethical and cultural grounds. Man is a transcendent being. He cannot reach or put in order immediate goods he needs if he is not prepared to acknowledge the grounds of his person and develop the virtues of prudence, love, hope, faith, wisdom, justice, courage, temperance etc. These are ethical questions concerning different worldviews and cannot be solved only by scientific methods. Many people who in the past did not care for religion as such, now take seriously religious personal and societal aspects of humane life. The fundamental crucial questions of man are ethical questions. They are in various ways related or perplexed with the question of faith and of science.

Domaća politička dinamika, razjedinjenost i preusmjereni prioriteti EU-a, kao i smanjenje geostrateške uloge u NATO-u potaknuli su Tursku na to da se okrene prema novome političkom modelu u kojemu u vanjskoj politici potpuno prevladavaju suženi nacionalni interesi. Potraga za fleksibilnim savezništvima sa zapadnim suparnicima iznjedrila je odnose koji su više transakcijske prirode. Turska, naime, drži kako su njezine tradicionalne veze sa zapadnim svijetom neravnopravne te povremeno čak štete njezinim interesima. Odnosi Ankare sa SAD-om i EU-om nikada nisu bili na visokoj razini, od čega je Rusija oduvijek imala najveću korist. U tursko-ruskom "braku iz koristi" Rusija je uvelike moćniji partner pa Turska neprekidno teži važnijoj ulozi na Bliskom istoku, Balkanu, Kavkazu, u Srednjoj Aziji i nekim dijelovima Afrike. U želji za povećanjem svojeg utjecaja na tim područjima, ona se služi svim raspoloživim sredstvima. S obzirom na svoje ambiciozno vodstvo, kooperativna gospodarska politika postala je isključivija i usredotočena na smanjenje sigurnosnih prijetnji. Zbog svega toga zemlja je suočena s brojnim akterima na različitim razinama, uključujući i globalne "teškaše". ; Following domestic political dynamics, disunity and redirected priorities of the EU and decreasing in its NATO geostrategic role, Turkey turned to new policy norm where narrowed national interests gained absolute dominance in foreign relations. The ensuing quest for flexible alliances with Western rivals has generated more transactional and compartmentalized relationships with Western powers as Turkey considers its traditional ties with them as unequal and at times unfavorable to its interests. From historic low points in relations with US and EU, more often benefits Russia as a more powerful partner in 'marriage of convenience' with Turkey. Turkey in regions as Middle East, Balkan, Caucasus, Central Asia and some part of Africa, aims for a larger role and persistently builds its capacity to influence events. The ambitious leadership and the transformation of the cooperative and economically based Turkish policy to one more exclusive and security-oriented, confronted Turkey with a myriad of actors of various scales including global heavyweights.

The author looks into the life & work of Alexander von Humboldt, viewing him as a protagonist of a scientific globalization concept that linked the promotion of science with the trinity of liberty, equality, & fraternity. Humboldt saw fraternite as realized in the form of a worldwide dialogue of scientists. The author observes that Humboldt was a pragmatic & organizational genius of networking, ie, the strategy of public relations that included contacts with scientists & the popularization of scientific achievements. Humboldt's Eurocentrism, which comes to the fore in his work about his travels, is nevertheless as ambivalent as the history of the reception of that work. Truth to tell, this work lay the foundation for European colonization & exploitation of Latin America, but was also essential for its self-understanding & political emancipation. The author claims that Humboldt's private & political ambivalence, essentially productive, is the result of his magnificent incompleteness & imperfections. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the life & work of Alexander von Humboldt, viewing him as a protagonist of a scientific globalization concept that linked the promotion of science with the trinity of liberty, equality, & fraternity. Humboldt saw fraternite as realized in the form of a worldwide dialogue of scientists. The author observes that Humboldt was a pragmatic & organizational genius of networking, ie, the strategy of public relations that included contacts with scientists & the popularization of scientific achievements. Humboldt's Eurocentrism, which comes to the fore in his work about his travels, is nevertheless as ambivalent as the history of the reception of that work. Truth to tell, this work lay the foundation for European colonization & exploitation of Latin America, but was also essential for its self-understanding & political emancipation. The author claims that Humboldt's private & political ambivalence, essentially productive, is the result of his magnificent incompleteness & imperfections. Adapted from the source document.

Kao netipičan proizvod masovne kulture, popularna serija Zapadni svijet (Westworld, 2016. – ) suočava nas sa složenim distopijskim narativom oblikovanim oko niza političkih problema značajnih za suvremeno društvo. Donosi nam pastiš američke povijesti u vidu istoimenog zabavnog parka na temu Divljeg zapada, predstavljenog u obliku simulakruma (J. Baudrillard, G. Deleuze). Kao slika bez uzora, ovaj park koristi mrežu označitelja prošlosti da bi uspostavio prostor za ostvarenje fantazija svojih gostiju, komodificirajući ono imaginarno i za vlasnike parka time stvarajući višak vrijednosti. Unutar parka nalaze se svjesni androidi koji izvršavaju sav rad neophodan za neometano funkcioniranje parka, no njihova svijest i rad nisu prepoznati i prihvaćeni. Zbog toga što se u strukturnom smislu nalaze u robovskoj poziciji u odnosu na ljude, u ovom ćemo radu seriju čitati kao političku alegoriju o dijalektici gospodara i roba (Hegel), uspostavljenu u srcu hiperrealnosti koja nagovještava mogućnost ponovnog povratka realnog. Ta se mogućnost zasniva na pobuni androida. Moja će analiza pokazati da, zahvaljujući modelu samosvijesti koji zastupa, ova serije ne može ispuniti ono što nagovještava. ; As an atypical product of mass culture, the acclaimed series Westworld (2016­) presents us with a layered dystopian narrative formed around several political issues relevant to our contemporary society. It uses a pastiche of the American history, staged as the Wild West­themed amusement park, presented in the form of simulacrum (J. Baudrillard, G. Deleuze). As a reference with no referent, this park uses a network of historical signifiers to construct a space for the externalisation of fantasies of its clients, consequently commodifying the imaginary itself, and creating surplus value for its owners. Simultaneously, within its reach, conscious androids conduct all of the necessary labour for its unimpeded functioning, although their consciousness and labour are not recognised and accepted. Because they structurally occupy a position of slaves in relation to humans, I will analyse this series as a political allegory on the master­slave dialectics (Hegel) established in the very heart of hyperreality that suggests a possibility of the return of the real, based on the rebellion of the androids. I intend to show how, because of the model of consciousness it maintains, the series is unable to fulfil what it implies.

The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established. ; The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.