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The main point of this work concerns basic premises and its interrelation of liberalism: doctrines of human rights, moral individualism and state neutrality. Locke's and Dworkin's liberal conceptions help to reveal the deep structure of liberal mind, its inconsistence and limitation. There are identified Protestant world-view and Renaissance humanism as a fundamental sources of liberal ideas. Individual and its autonomy is revealed as a central idea of liberal politics. There are shown substancial differences between early and contemporary liberal mind.

The main point of this work concerns basic premises and its interrelation of liberalism: doctrines of human rights, moral individualism and state neutrality. Locke's and Dworkin's liberal conceptions help to reveal the deep structure of liberal mind, its inconsistence and limitation. There are identified Protestant world-view and Renaissance humanism as a fundamental sources of liberal ideas. Individual and its autonomy is revealed as a central idea of liberal politics. There are shown substancial differences between early and contemporary liberal mind.

The paper examines the phenomenon of politics as a distinctive domain of practical experience, particularly focusing on the analysis of political space and political time. Along with this, other political aspects are taken into account, such as desire and lack, interest, action, deliberation, judgment, fragility, and freedom. Political phenomenology is contrasted with the notion of politics expounded in Plato's "Republic", which centres around the famous Analogy of the Cave. According to the Analogy, the fundamental precondition of political knowledge is a deliberate delocalization – a philosopher's dissociation from all time-bound factors and the existing political reality which is conceived as a prison of unstable, unreliable "shadows". The paper suggests that the application of platonic Forms to political life is inadequate, because politics is an essentially temporal, fragile realm. Politics is "nourished" by the past and historical precedents, and also by future, through political aims and visions. Therefore, historical prudence, practical experience and intuition are considered of more relevance for a political subject than theoretical definitions and abstractions. It is argued that the phenomenon of politics has its own specific structure of functioning: it has no need to "borrow" any immutable principles from metaphysicians. Metaphysics does not possess an exclusive access to political knowledge. Objections to Platonism are based on the insights of Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, Michael Oakeshott and some other important political thinkers. Aristotle valuably distinguishes between theory and practice, situating politics in the realm of the latter and thus restoring dignity to the "cave-dweller" and his common sense. Arendt skillfully elaborates on the aspects of fragility of a political action, as well as on conceptualizing the experience of freedom as essential to political life. Furthermore, the paper draws heavily on Arendt's distinction between rational truth and politics. It is argued that the two are mutually incompatible or even in conflict, because politics allows only for opinions and persuasion, whereas the unchangeable rational truth is conceived as coercive in nature. On his part, Oakeshott provides arguments for the importance of prudence and historical understanding, while also criticizing Plato's "demonstrative" science of politics. These and a few other lines of reasoning are invoked to account for an inappropriateness of using the Cave Analogy for the understanding of politics.

The paper examines the phenomenon of politics as a distinctive domain of practical experience, particularly focusing on the analysis of political space and political time. Along with this, other political aspects are taken into account, such as desire and lack, interest, action, deliberation, judgment, fragility, and freedom. Political phenomenology is contrasted with the notion of politics expounded in Plato's "Republic", which centres around the famous Analogy of the Cave. According to the Analogy, the fundamental precondition of political knowledge is a deliberate delocalization – a philosopher's dissociation from all time-bound factors and the existing political reality which is conceived as a prison of unstable, unreliable "shadows". The paper suggests that the application of platonic Forms to political life is inadequate, because politics is an essentially temporal, fragile realm. Politics is "nourished" by the past and historical precedents, and also by future, through political aims and visions. Therefore, historical prudence, practical experience and intuition are considered of more relevance for a political subject than theoretical definitions and abstractions. It is argued that the phenomenon of politics has its own specific structure of functioning: it has no need to "borrow" any immutable principles from metaphysicians. Metaphysics does not possess an exclusive access to political knowledge. Objections to Platonism are based on the insights of Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, Michael Oakeshott and some other important political thinkers. Aristotle valuably distinguishes between theory and practice, situating politics in the realm of the latter and thus restoring dignity to the "cave-dweller" and his common sense. Arendt skillfully elaborates on the aspects of fragility of a political action, as well as on conceptualizing the experience of freedom as essential to political life. Furthermore, the paper draws heavily on Arendt's distinction between rational truth and politics. It is argued that the two are mutually incompatible or even in conflict, because politics allows only for opinions and persuasion, whereas the unchangeable rational truth is conceived as coercive in nature. On his part, Oakeshott provides arguments for the importance of prudence and historical understanding, while also criticizing Plato's "demonstrative" science of politics. These and a few other lines of reasoning are invoked to account for an inappropriateness of using the Cave Analogy for the understanding of politics.

The paper examines the phenomenon of politics as a distinctive domain of practical experience, particularly focusing on the analysis of political space and political time. Along with this, other political aspects are taken into account, such as desire and lack, interest, action, deliberation, judgment, fragility, and freedom. Political phenomenology is contrasted with the notion of politics expounded in Plato's "Republic", which centres around the famous Analogy of the Cave. According to the Analogy, the fundamental precondition of political knowledge is a deliberate delocalization – a philosopher's dissociation from all time-bound factors and the existing political reality which is conceived as a prison of unstable, unreliable "shadows". The paper suggests that the application of platonic Forms to political life is inadequate, because politics is an essentially temporal, fragile realm. Politics is "nourished" by the past and historical precedents, and also by future, through political aims and visions. Therefore, historical prudence, practical experience and intuition are considered of more relevance for a political subject than theoretical definitions and abstractions. It is argued that the phenomenon of politics has its own specific structure of functioning: it has no need to "borrow" any immutable principles from metaphysicians. Metaphysics does not possess an exclusive access to political knowledge. Objections to Platonism are based on the insights of Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, Michael Oakeshott and some other important political thinkers. Aristotle valuably distinguishes between theory and practice, situating politics in the realm of the latter and thus restoring dignity to the "cave-dweller" and his common sense. Arendt skillfully elaborates on the aspects of fragility of a political action, as well as on conceptualizing the experience of freedom as essential to political life. Furthermore, the paper draws heavily on Arendt's distinction between rational truth and politics. It is argued that the two are mutually incompatible or even in conflict, because politics allows only for opinions and persuasion, whereas the unchangeable rational truth is conceived as coercive in nature. On his part, Oakeshott provides arguments for the importance of prudence and historical understanding, while also criticizing Plato's "demonstrative" science of politics. These and a few other lines of reasoning are invoked to account for an inappropriateness of using the Cave Analogy for the understanding of politics.

The paper examines the phenomenon of politics as a distinctive domain of practical experience, particularly focusing on the analysis of political space and political time. Along with this, other political aspects are taken into account, such as desire and lack, interest, action, deliberation, judgment, fragility, and freedom. Political phenomenology is contrasted with the notion of politics expounded in Plato's "Republic", which centres around the famous Analogy of the Cave. According to the Analogy, the fundamental precondition of political knowledge is a deliberate delocalization – a philosopher's dissociation from all time-bound factors and the existing political reality which is conceived as a prison of unstable, unreliable "shadows". The paper suggests that the application of platonic Forms to political life is inadequate, because politics is an essentially temporal, fragile realm. Politics is "nourished" by the past and historical precedents, and also by future, through political aims and visions. Therefore, historical prudence, practical experience and intuition are considered of more relevance for a political subject than theoretical definitions and abstractions. It is argued that the phenomenon of politics has its own specific structure of functioning: it has no need to "borrow" any immutable principles from metaphysicians. Metaphysics does not possess an exclusive access to political knowledge. Objections to Platonism are based on the insights of Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, Michael Oakeshott and some other important political thinkers. Aristotle valuably distinguishes between theory and practice, situating politics in the realm of the latter and thus restoring dignity to the "cave-dweller" and his common sense. Arendt skillfully elaborates on the aspects of fragility of a political action, as well as on conceptualizing the experience of freedom as essential to political life. Furthermore, the paper draws heavily on Arendt's distinction between rational truth and politics. It is argued that the two are mutually incompatible or even in conflict, because politics allows only for opinions and persuasion, whereas the unchangeable rational truth is conceived as coercive in nature. On his part, Oakeshott provides arguments for the importance of prudence and historical understanding, while also criticizing Plato's "demonstrative" science of politics. These and a few other lines of reasoning are invoked to account for an inappropriateness of using the Cave Analogy for the understanding of politics.

The aim of the article is to critically analyze communication of public sector of Creative industries (CI) and Cultural and Creative Sector (CCS) in Lithuania. The main attention is paid to explanation of important concepts of EU documents from the point of view of Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics: making of affects, an economy of experience, creative disruption, multiplicity of memories . The article considers the Green Book and The Impact of Culture on Creativity and other EU and Lithuanian documents, their ideas and relationships with power, economy and creativity in a perspective of communicative reason. The object of critique is analysis of the case of Fluxus ministry (NGO in Kaunas) and growth of tendencies of meritocracy. I interpret Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics in a way they were developed in the Critical theory and in the works of Jurgen Habermas devoted to analysis of communicative action and communicative reason. My interpretation of the role of dialogue and some concepts of poststructuralism where I support theories of M. Bakchtin's tradition differs from Habermas interpretation. Contemporary Critical theory includes not only former Cultural philosophy, but also elements of critique of Cultual industries (tradition of M. Horkheimer and T. Adorno), British Cultural studies and political economy devoted to the questions of CI. Besides, for interpretation of EU documents I use a number of concepts related to the poststructuralism: direct self-government, deliberative democracy, critics of nomenclature and meritocracy, self-spectaclization and creation of open society for diversities. [.]

The aim of the article is to critically analyze communication of public sector of Creative industries (CI) and Cultural and Creative Sector (CCS) in Lithuania. The main attention is paid to explanation of important concepts of EU documents from the point of view of Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics: making of affects, an economy of experience, creative disruption, multiplicity of memories . The article considers the Green Book and The Impact of Culture on Creativity and other EU and Lithuanian documents, their ideas and relationships with power, economy and creativity in a perspective of communicative reason. The object of critique is analysis of the case of Fluxus ministry (NGO in Kaunas) and growth of tendencies of meritocracy. I interpret Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics in a way they were developed in the Critical theory and in the works of Jurgen Habermas devoted to analysis of communicative action and communicative reason. My interpretation of the role of dialogue and some concepts of poststructuralism where I support theories of M. Bakchtin's tradition differs from Habermas interpretation. Contemporary Critical theory includes not only former Cultural philosophy, but also elements of critique of Cultual industries (tradition of M. Horkheimer and T. Adorno), British Cultural studies and political economy devoted to the questions of CI. Besides, for interpretation of EU documents I use a number of concepts related to the poststructuralism: direct self-government, deliberative democracy, critics of nomenclature and meritocracy, self-spectaclization and creation of open society for diversities. [.]

The aim of the article is to critically analyze communication of public sector of Creative industries (CI) and Cultural and Creative Sector (CCS) in Lithuania. The main attention is paid to explanation of important concepts of EU documents from the point of view of Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics: making of affects, an economy of experience, creative disruption, multiplicity of memories . The article considers the Green Book and The Impact of Culture on Creativity and other EU and Lithuanian documents, their ideas and relationships with power, economy and creativity in a perspective of communicative reason. The object of critique is analysis of the case of Fluxus ministry (NGO in Kaunas) and growth of tendencies of meritocracy. I interpret Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics in a way they were developed in the Critical theory and in the works of Jurgen Habermas devoted to analysis of communicative action and communicative reason. My interpretation of the role of dialogue and some concepts of poststructuralism where I support theories of M. Bakchtin's tradition differs from Habermas interpretation. Contemporary Critical theory includes not only former Cultural philosophy, but also elements of critique of Cultual industries (tradition of M. Horkheimer and T. Adorno), British Cultural studies and political economy devoted to the questions of CI. Besides, for interpretation of EU documents I use a number of concepts related to the poststructuralism: direct self-government, deliberative democracy, critics of nomenclature and meritocracy, self-spectaclization and creation of open society for diversities. [.]

Positivist law should have a coherently dualistic nature: one oriented towards values and the other towards norms. However, in cases of the social deterioration of values, legislators can turn the law into an artificial mechanism of the production of social order, thus putting emphasis on the instrumental approach to law. The present article questions the unlimited authority of the instrumental approach to law and analyzes the social premises and consequences of its prevalence in consumer society and the limits of its development. The article aims to show the dangers the unlimited authority of the instrumental approach to law may entail for the values that law postulates in the first place.

Positivist law should have a coherently dualistic nature: one oriented towards values and the other towards norms. However, in cases of the social deterioration of values, legislators can turn the law into an artificial mechanism of the production of social order, thus putting emphasis on the instrumental approach to law. The present article questions the unlimited authority of the instrumental approach to law and analyzes the social premises and consequences of its prevalence in consumer society and the limits of its development. The article aims to show the dangers the unlimited authority of the instrumental approach to law may entail for the values that law postulates in the first place.

The dissertation is based on data about almos 500 contemporary works of Lithuanian fiction: which of them are discussed in academic pulications; which are analysed in the students' finishing theses; which received state funding for publishing; which were awarded literary prizes; which are most often borrowed from libraries. Theoretical model defines all these factors as "acts of transmission", on which the "survival" of the work depends – whether or not it is going to be consumed and remembered in the future. The quantitative data is analysed alongside "performance protocols" - written statements about books, from online discussions and blogs to academic publications. The results indicate that the usual opposition of "popular" vs. "professionally acclaimed" is almost non-existant – the professional and non-professional readers in most cases choose the same books. However, the non-professional readers appreciate recognising what they find familiar from their experience of reality, whereas the professionals focus on comparing works of literature to each other. Finally, a third trend is recognised – it is called institutionalised taste. 48% of books funded by the state do not interest neither professional nor non-professional readers

The dissertation is based on data about almost 500 contemporary works of Lithuanian fiction: which of them are discussed in academic pulications; which are analysed in the students' finishing theses; which received state funding for publishing; which were awarded literary prizes; which are most often borrowed from libraries. Theoretical model defines all these factors as "acts of transmission", on which the "survival" of the work depends – whether or not it is going to be consumed and remembered in the future. The quantitative data is analysed alongside "performance protocols" - written statements about books, from online discussions and blogs to academic publications. The results indicate that the usual opposition of "popular" vs. "professionally acclaimed" is almost non-existant – the professional and non-professional readers in most cases choose the same books. However, the non-professional readers appreciate recognising what they find familiar from their experience of reality, whereas the professionals focus on comparing works of literature to each other. Finally, a third trend is recognised – it is called institutionalised taste. 48% of books funded by the state do not interest neither professional nor non-professional readers.