In the article the author offers a brief sketch of the history and different meanings of criticism as they were formed over the last three centuries. He points out the original meaning of the usage of the term and then points to the narrower meaning, especially that found in art criticism. He then claims that a large portion of art criticism has retained its essence and meaning unchanged since its beginning and that this is also true insofar as it has not changed when art is compared with new media and Chinese art. The author also notes that art criticism represents an important constituent part of art proper. ; V svojem članku prikaže avtor kratek potek zgodovine in različnih pomenov kritike kot so se ti oblikovali skozi zadnja tri stoletja. Pokaže na izvorni pomen tega izraza ter nato na razvoj kritike v angleškem družbenem, kulturnem in političnem prostoru, kjer je kritika vedno bolj postajala kulturna kritika. Opozori na njun današnji pomen. Čeprav je kritika danes izgubila jasno vsebino, to ni zmanjšalo njene tehtnosti in pomena pa naj je šlo za kritiko novih medijev ali kitajske umetnosti. Avtor tudi opozori, da tvori umetnostna kritika pomembno konstituanto umetnosti kot take.
Comment expliquer l'immense succès actuel de leaders populistes tels que Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro, Matteo Salvini, Victor Orban arba ir Marine Le Pen? Les explications sociologiques et politologiques font appel à une série de donnéescontextuelles: ce qui joue en faveur des partis «anti-élitistes», c'est la crise économique, c'est le chômage, l'immigration, l'insécurité, attribués les uns et les autres à la faillite du «système» politique représentatif. Le but de cet article est de compléter ces explications en adoptant une perspective proprement sémiotique (enimmanence) qui consiste à analyser les rapports sensibles, de caractère «intime» — personnellement, immédiatement, esthésiquement vécus — qui se nouent entre les leaders populistes et leurs partisans. L'article inclut en outre une typologie des régimes politiques (totalitarisme, absolutisme, démocratie représentative, démocratie «directe» et sa caricature, la démagogie) interdéfinis sur la base des régimes interactionels qui les sous-tendent.
Tekst je potaknut polemikom Gaje Petrovića sa Savkom Dabčević Kučar iz 1965. godine, odnosno člankom »O nepoštednoj kritici svega postojećeg« (članak nije tiskan u Vjesniku uz obrazloženje da je »ispod nivoa koji bi se mogao prezentirati javnosti«). Petrović kritiku poima prije svega kao analitičko sredstvo kojim se dopire do bîti (te se u tom smislu distancira od nekih drugih značenja kao što su: konstruktivna i destruktivna, vulgarna kritika, negacija). No Petrović integrira kritiku u čitav sustav svoje filozofije povezujući je s pojmovima 'sloboda' i 'praksa'. Naime sintagma »sve postojeće«, koja se veže uz kritiku, daje joj aktivno i društveno značenje (istina se provjerava u praksi). Petrović ironizira situaciju u našem društvu toga vremena gdje »nema predrasuda«, pa nisu potrebna »ograničenja«, »izuzetci« i »dopuštenja« za kritiku. Moglo bi se reći da je kritika bit filozofskog opusa Petrovića, koji se stavlja u poziciju kritičara dogmatske filozofije i politike koja prisvaja monopol nad kritikom. Upravo stoga valja istaknuti važnost Gaje Petrovića, a značenje kritike svega postojećega – što podrazumijeva i kritiku kao društvenu privilegiju i moć – aktualno je i danas. (IN ENGLISH: This text was inspired by the discussion between Gajo Petrović and Savka Dabčević Kučar in 1965, that is, by the article "About the Unrelenting Criticism of All that Exists" (the article was not published by the Croatian newspaper Vjesnik, with the explanation that it is "under the level presentable to the general public"). Petrović conceives criticism primarily as an analytical vehicle that reaches the essence (and in that regard, removes it from other meanings, such as: constructive and destructive, vulgar criticism, negation). However, Petrović integrates criticism into his entire philosophical system, linking it with concepts of freedom and practice. To be more specific, the syntagm "all that exists" combined with criticism, gives both an active and a social meaning (the truth is verified in practice). Petrović ironically assesses the situation in our society of the time, where "there is no prejudice", so no "limitations", "exceptions" or "permissions" for criticism are necessary. One might say that criticism is the essence of Petrović's philosophical opus, because he positions himself as a critic of the dogmatic philosophy and politics, which appropriate monopoly over criticism. This is precisely why it is necessary to emphasize the importance of Gajo Petrović, and why the meaning of criticism of "criticism as a social privilege" and power, is still valid today.)
Karl Marks. Izd., podgot F. Ėngelʹsom. Pečataetsja s russkogo izd., peresmotrennogo I. Stepanovym ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Cam. 590 a-2,2
U ovom radu je predstavljena kritika Strogog programa u sociologiji znanja s pozicije feminističke teorije stajališta. Predstavljene su ključne metodološke postavke Strogog programa u sociologiji znanja: kauzalnost, nepristranost, simetričnost i refleksivnost. Ono što veže ovaj metodološki program i feminističku teoriju jest epistemiološka legitimacija što je Strogi program daje teoriji stajališta kroz princip ekvivalentnosti ili simetrije. Također, nastoji se ukazati na vrijednosne implikacije epistemiološko-metodoloških okvira Strogog programa koje ističe teorija stajališta. Za razliku od Strogog programa, teorija stajališta ne pruža sažet prikaz vlastitih metodoloških principa. Naprotiv, ona je spoj različitih ali duboko povezanih i isprepletenih diskursa – moralnog, političkog i epistemološkog. Objektivnost, neutralnost i relativizam su pojmovi preko kojih nastojim predstaviti kritiku feminističke teorije Strogog programa. Iako su, nedvojbeno, sva tri pojma duboko isprepletena, radi preglednosti su zasebno predstavljena. (IN ENGLISH: In this paper the author presents critique of the Strong program in sociology of knowledge from the position of the feminist standpoint theory. She outlines the key points of the strong program in sociology of knowledge: causality, impartiality, symmetry and reflexivity. What binds this methodological program and feminist theory is the epistemological credibility that the Strong program gave to the standpoint theory through the principle of equivalence or symmetry. Moreover, the author tries to point out the valueladen implications of epistemological-methodological frames of the Strong program emphasized by standpoint theory. Unlike the Strong program, standpoint theory doesn't give concise account of its methodological principles. On the contrary, it is a combination of different yet deeply connected and interwoven discourses – moral, political and epistemological. Objectivity, neutrality and relativism are the terms by which I tried to present feminist theory critique of the Strong program. Although these terms are deeply interwoven, for the reason of easy reference they were presented separately.)
Dieser Artikel befasst sich mit Theorien zur tschechischen Literaturdidaktik vom 19. Jahrhundert bis heute. Er zeigt auf, dass Kritik an einem so genannten 'faktographischen' Literaturunterricht, dessen Hauptgewicht auf der Vermittlung literaturgeschichtlicher Informationen lag, in literaturdidaktischen Studien konstant geäussert wurde. Gleichzeitig propagierten Didaktikerinnen und Didaktiker stets einen Literaturunterricht, der auf selbständiger Lektüre, lernenden-zentrierter Textarbeit und kreativen Aufgaben basierte. Dieser Widerspruch zwischen einem realen faktographischen und einem idealen literaturästhetischen Unterricht zieht sich durch verschiedenste Staatsformen und politische Regime, seien dies die Österreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie, die Erste Republik, das sozialistische Regime, die post-sozialistische Zeit, oder die kapitalistische.
Demokracija se obično shvaća kao organizirani oblik vlasti koji karakterizira vladavina naroda. Velik broj građana vjeruje u demokraciju kao najpoželjniji oblik vlasti. S druge pak strane, sve je više prisutno nezadovoljstvo građana, razočarenje u demokratske institucije i sve manje povjerenje u izabranu vlast. Kroz ovaj rad nastojala se dati šira slika ovog problema te ukazati na teoretske probleme demokracije, ali i one u stvarnim demokratskim sustavima. Teoretski temelji rada osnivaju se na radovima teoretičara kao što su Robert Dahl, David Held i Joseph Schumpeter. Nedostaci demokracije, ali i njen potencijalni novi smjer prikazan je kroz primjere Turske i Katalonije. Jednakim demokratskim mehanizmom, a s potpuno različitim interesima i Turska i Katalonija udaljile su se od zamišljenog demokratskog ideala te su na taj način poslužile kao koristan primjer za potkrjepljivanje iznesenih tvrdnji u cijelom radu. Ovi primjeri ukazuju i na krizu demokracije, ali i na njen novi smjer u suvremenim političkim sustavima. Demokracija možda u svojoj suštini i nije toliko loša već je problematična njena primjena u stvarnim uvjetima koji stalno zahtijevaju prilagodbu postojećem stanju, rješavanje novih prepreka i problema. ; Democracy as a broad term is usually understood as an organised form of governance characterised by the rule of people. The majority of the citizens believes in democracy to be the best possible and the most desirable form of governance. On the other hand, discontent and disappointment in the democratic institutions as well as distrust in the elected officials has been more and more prominent. The bigger picture of this problem is described throughout this thesis. The main goal was to highlight the problems with the theoretical idea of democracy but also the problems within actual democratic systems in the modern era. Theoretical foundations of this thesis are based on the works of authors like Robert Dahl, David Held and Joseph Schumpeter. Using the examples of recent political events in Turkey and ...
Demokracija se obično shvaća kao organizirani oblik vlasti koji karakterizira vladavina naroda. Velik broj građana vjeruje u demokraciju kao najpoželjniji oblik vlasti. S druge pak strane, sve je više prisutno nezadovoljstvo građana, razočarenje u demokratske institucije i sve manje povjerenje u izabranu vlast. Kroz ovaj rad nastojala se dati šira slika ovog problema te ukazati na teoretske probleme demokracije, ali i one u stvarnim demokratskim sustavima. Teoretski temelji rada osnivaju se na radovima teoretičara kao što su Robert Dahl, David Held i Joseph Schumpeter. Nedostaci demokracije, ali i njen potencijalni novi smjer prikazan je kroz primjere Turske i Katalonije. Jednakim demokratskim mehanizmom, a s potpuno različitim interesima i Turska i Katalonija udaljile su se od zamišljenog demokratskog ideala te su na taj način poslužile kao koristan primjer za potkrjepljivanje iznesenih tvrdnji u cijelom radu. Ovi primjeri ukazuju i na krizu demokracije, ali i na njen novi smjer u suvremenim političkim sustavima. Demokracija možda u svojoj suštini i nije toliko loša već je problematična njena primjena u stvarnim uvjetima koji stalno zahtijevaju prilagodbu postojećem stanju, rješavanje novih prepreka i problema. ; Democracy as a broad term is usually understood as an organised form of governance characterised by the rule of people. The majority of the citizens believes in democracy to be the best possible and the most desirable form of governance. On the other hand, discontent and disappointment in the democratic institutions as well as distrust in the elected officials has been more and more prominent. The bigger picture of this problem is described throughout this thesis. The main goal was to highlight the problems with the theoretical idea of democracy but also the problems within actual democratic systems in the modern era. Theoretical foundations of this thesis are based on the works of authors like Robert Dahl, David Held and Joseph Schumpeter. Using the examples of recent political events in Turkey and ...
The protagonists of the novel, Vedantika Ojha (12) and Cyka Ho (13), meet when the latter starts working as a domestic help in the former's house. They live in a conflict-ridden town in India which is the site of one of the world's longest ongoing guerilla rebellions, the Naxalite-Maoist insurgency. The girls seem to have little in common. Vedantika resides in a big house with razor spikes on the boundary walls. She is a queer neurodivergent 7th grader who has unstable relationships with everyone, including the reader. Cyka, who lives in the slums, is confident and charming. She stands up for herself because she knows that no one else will. She is all too familiar with the violent streets that Vedantika has so far been sheltered from. However, a closer look reveals that the girls share an absence. Cyka's family was displaced from their village due to coal mining. She belongs to one of the indigenous tribes who have historically co-existed with nature without capitalizing on its resources. But their lands are now being taken over by the neoliberal government. Her people must revolt to survive. On the other hand, Vedantika's mother has left her family to take up a job in Delhi. While Cyka pines for her village, Vedantika pines for her mother. Their respective losses become the basis of the bond that develops between them despite their dissimilar contexts.
Chinese art criticism has a long history. However, modern art criticism in China did not begin until the second half of the 20th century. After 40 years development, art criticism in China has changed from political criticism into commercial criticism. The pressures of ideology are replaced by the worries about capitalist co-option of criticism. Flattery and Abuse are the inevitable results of commercial and political criticism. Only academic criticism can help art criticism get out of this crisis. ; Kitajska umetnostna kritika ima dolgo zgodovino. Vendar pa se moderna umetnostna kritika na Kitajskem ni pričela pred drugo polovico dvajsetega stoletja. Po štiridesetletnem napredovanju se je umetnostna kritika spremenila iz politične kritike v komercialno kritiko. Pritiski ideologije so nadomestili skrbi glede kapitalističnega kooptiranja kritike. Le akademska kritika lahko pomaga umetnostni kritiki, da izide iz te krize.
The main point of this work concerns basic premises and its interrelation of liberalism: doctrines of human rights, moral individualism and state neutrality. Locke's and Dworkin's liberal conceptions help to reveal the deep structure of liberal mind, its inconsistence and limitation. There are identified Protestant world-view and Renaissance humanism as a fundamental sources of liberal ideas. Individual and its autonomy is revealed as a central idea of liberal politics. There are shown substancial differences between early and contemporary liberal mind.
The main point of this work concerns basic premises and its interrelation of liberalism: doctrines of human rights, moral individualism and state neutrality. Locke's and Dworkin's liberal conceptions help to reveal the deep structure of liberal mind, its inconsistence and limitation. There are identified Protestant world-view and Renaissance humanism as a fundamental sources of liberal ideas. Individual and its autonomy is revealed as a central idea of liberal politics. There are shown substancial differences between early and contemporary liberal mind.
The article discusses Husserl's criticism of Psychologism and the relationship that have with the contemporary crisis of values. In Logical Investigation Husserl criticize not only a psychological foundation of science, but he expresses his preoccupation about rationality in general. Rationality according to Husserl is connected with ethical and political questions. Aron Gurwitsch research shows the existing connection between naturalistic psychology and nihilism. Naturalistic psychology induces a nihilistic conception of human being: human as a biological functions mechanism. This point of view cause a totalitarian tendency in social life and politic. ; Straipsnyje analizuojama fenomenologinė psichologizmo kritika ir jos sąryšis su šiuolaikine vertybių krize, natūralizmo įsigalėjimu bei nihilizmu. Husserlio "Loginiuose tyrinėjimuose" atlikta psichologizmo kritika išreiškia pamatinę fenomenologijos intenciją – susirūpinimą racionalaus subjekto išsaugojimu ir įprasminimu. Psichologizmo problema yra ne vien racionalaus žinojimo pagrindimo problema, bet taip pat etikos ir politikos klausimas. Tai akivaizdžiai parodo Aronas Gurwitschius savo studijoje apie natūralizmo ir nihilizmo sąryšį. Natūralistinė psichologija ne tik skatina nihilistinį požiūrį į žmogų ir vertybes, bet taip pat provokuoja totalitarines tendencijas visuomenės gyvenime ir politikoje.
